Latest news with #UnitedNationsConventionontheLawoftheSea
New Straits Times
10 hours ago
- Business
- New Straits Times
Establish a National Maritime Blueprint for geopolitical resilience and Blue Economy growth
The recent India-Pakistan hostilities are another international occurrence that may trigger supply chain setbacks while countries are concurrently struggling with the US reciprocal tariffs. With the ongoing South China Sea issues ranging from big powers' rivalry and assertive behaviour that may disrupt maritime trade, Malaysia must carefully navigate geopolitical repercussions and dampen the geo-economic shock. This strategic pressure is amplified by Malaysia's deep maritime dependence. Located between the South China Sea and the Straits of Malacca, its economic heartbeat heavily depends on the ocean. The Academy of Sciences Malaysia estimated that in 2020, Malaysia's blue economy contributed 21.3 per cent of Malaysia's GDP. By 2030, it is forecasted to increase significantly, potentially reaching 31.5 per cent of GDP and totalling around RM1.4 trillion. Malaysia's maritime interests are substantial, built upon Petronas' offshore oil and gas operations which contribute around 20 per cent of national GDP, alongside a RM16 billion fishing industry, and maritime trade comprising 98 per cent of its international commerce. These sectors also sustain the livelihoods of countless Malaysian citizens across all states. Any disruption, whether internal or external, threatens both national prosperity and individual well-being. The risks and threats in the maritime domain remain contentious and, more often than not, loom large, potentially impeding Malaysia's maritime economy. Concurrently, Malaysia faces challenges on multiple fronts in defending its national interest: internal leakages and corruption, domestic differences including growing calls for greater autonomy in Sabah and Sarawak, evolving transnational threats, persistent maritime disputes, and the intensifying geopolitical rivalry. In recent decades, the South China Sea has evolved into a critical security flashpoint where Malaysia maintains legitimate claims under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). An alarming increase in dangerous incidents throughout the region demands our attention. Though Malaysia has experienced fewer confrontations than our regional neighbours, concerning episodes, including the 2020 West Capella standoff, PLA's aircraft incursions into Malaysian airspace, and persistent harassment of vessels operating within our Exclusive Economic Zone, serve as key reminders that enhanced maritime governance and security are not optional but essential. Malaysia stepped up efforts in safeguarding its national interests in 2020 by launching the inaugural Defence White Paper (DWP) to strengthen its national defence and lay the foundation for the nation's security strategy. Crucially, the DWP projected Malaysia as a 'maritime nation,' signalling a strategic vision that places the maritime domain at the core of its national interests. As the DWP undergoes its mid-term review approaching 2025, it's clear that while it provides overarching guidance on protecting sovereignty and sovereign rights, the focus is not on the granularities of maritime governance itself. Therefore, complementing the DWP with specific, actionable policies is imperative. Malaysia needs dedicated measures to realise the potential of its 2030 blue economy goals, shielded from the contentious maritime environment. Therefore, a coherent national maritime blueprint is the necessary instrument to achieve this. Encouragingly, under the administration of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, the discourse on maritime governance and security has gained notable traction. Discussions in parliament and public statements have increasingly touched upon protecting territorial integrity, harnessing the blue economy, and modernising maritime assets. Furthermore, the National Security Council's (NSC) ongoing development of a new national security policy is eminently important and timely. Yet, discourse and broad policy must translate into coordinated actions. Now is the opportune moment for Malaysia, in its quest as a maritime nation and racing against escalating geopolitical tensions, to formulate a dedicated national maritime blueprint. The increasing uncertainty in global politics, which directly impacts Malaysia's vast interests in the maritime sphere, especially the South China Sea, makes such preparedness paramount. A foundation that prescribes more effective coordination between key agencies with maritime interests at the federal and state levels will allow Malaysia to project a united front, and in turn, eliminate any loopholes that render a siloed culture. This is necessary to allow the country to better navigate global uncertainty that seeks to jeopardise national progress regardless of whether its origin is internal, bilateral, or multilateral. A national maritime blueprint can provide a guideline for seamless coordination of actions between federal and state agencies in protecting national borders This blueprint must be a living strategic document that assesses Malaysia's maritime capabilities across defense, economic, and developmental dimensions, crafting a cohesive strategy to navigate geopolitical uncertainties. It must encompass a clear vision and objectives, placing Malaysia's long-term ambition as a maritime nation at the forefront. Success depends on embracing a "Whole of Government, Whole of Society" (WoGoS) approach that aligns national priorities above all, not driven by any single entity or state, but rather shaped through an engagement of all stakeholders. The WoGoS approach must form the cornerstone of both planning and implementing Malaysia's maritime blueprint. This framework ensures that all relevant perspectives, from security agencies to economic interests to environmental concerns, formulate a coherent national strategy. The blueprint can establish foundational governance structures and coordination mechanisms that could eventually evolve into a governing formality. Such a framework would also drive asset modernisation through transparent processes where non-military stakeholders provide essential oversight, ensuring that procurement decisions serve national interests. The maritime blueprint must be conceived as a long-term strategic instrument for safeguarding Malaysia's maritime interests against evolving threats. Its success hinges on meaningful engagement with key constituencies: nurturing maritime awareness among the youth that will inherit far more complex challenges; securing support from MPs who shape policy frameworks; and addressing the specific concerns of coastal communities whose livelihoods depend directly on our waters. A comprehensive national maritime blueprint represents a historic opportunity for the current administration to establish a long-lasting legacy to contend with contemporary challenges. By articulating a clear vision for Malaysia as a maritime nation and embedding this identity in key guiding policy documents, the government can ensure that Malaysia's maritime interests remain protected for generations to come, regardless of shifting geopolitical headwinds.
AllAfrica
a day ago
- Business
- AllAfrica
Malaysia quietly flying Turkish drones over South China Sea
In June 2025, Malaysia took a decisive yet understated step in fortifying its maritime domain awareness by confirming the deployment of three Turkish-made Anka‑S unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). These medium-altitude long-endurance (MALE) drones will operate from Labuan, with the first sorties expected to commence later this year over the South China Sea. Yet the symbolism of such deployments—especially in a region as fraught and strategically sensitive as the South China Sea—must be carefully interpreted. This is not about picking sides between the United States and China. Nor is it a belligerent signal to any one power. Instead, Malaysia's choice reflects a doctrine of quiet diplomacy: one that prioritizes sovereignty without provocation, and preparedness without escalation. Whenever the South China Sea is invoked in regional headlines, it is often painted as a zero-sum contest between China and Southeast Asia. That portrayal misses the nuance of Malaysia's approach. For decades, Malaysia has pursued a policy of principled engagement—asserting its maritime rights under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) while maintaining constructive, often warm, ties with China. Malaysia's procurement of surveillance drones does not undermine that tradition. Rather, it reinforces our commitment to defend our interests with clarity and calm—not capitulation, nor confrontation. The Anka‑S, designed by Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI), was chosen through a transparent international tender that included bids from the United States' General Atomics (offering the MQ‑9 Reaper) and China's AVIC (offering the Wing Loong II). That Malaysia selected Turkey was not a rejection of the US or China per se—it was a choice based on strategic fit, affordability, reliability, and non-politicized defence procurement. The Anka‑S platform, with its 24–30 hours of endurance, encrypted satellite communications, synthetic aperture radar, EO/IR cameras, ground-moving target indicators (GMTI), and Identification Friend or Foe (IFF) systems, provides a vital capability in monitoring activity across Malaysia's exclusive economic zone (EEZ) without compromising our diplomatic equilibrium. It is also essential to note that these drones are unarmed. They are surveillance platforms, not strike systems. Malaysia is not militarizing its maritime space; it is strengthening maritime situational awareness in a region with complex and overlapping claims, illegal fishing, piracy, and growing commercial activity. The message is straightforward: Malaysia is watching—not menacing. Malaysia is asserting its rights, not staking new claims. More than a defense acquisition, the Anka‑S symbolizes a maturing partnership between Malaysia and Turkey. As a Sectoral Dialogue Partner of ASEAN and NATO's second-largest military force, Turkey stands at a unique intersection of East and West. It maintains a robust relationship with both the United States and China and has earned a reputation for pursuing independent diplomacy. Turkey's strategic balance, reflected in its engagement with Russia, Europe, and the Muslim world, resonates with ASEAN's own non-aligned but active diplomacy. In many ways, Türkiye is a mirror of Malaysia's geopolitical posture: firm in its sovereignty, flexible in its partnerships. Turkey's defense industry also offers something often missing in dealings with traditional great powers—mutual respect and shared technological growth. The Anka‑S is a product of indigenous Turkish development, allowing greater room for customization, training, and potential co-production. In Malaysia's case, the infrastructure and training for the drones are being carried out in collaboration with local firm G7 Aerospace, enabling knowledge transfer and economic spillover benefits. Future upgrades, including weaponization (if Malaysia ever chooses that path), can be managed with full transparency and independence. So why Turkey and why now? The answer lies in both regional and global dynamics. ASEAN member states are becoming increasingly cautious in navigating the intensifying US-China rivalry. On one hand, the United States has urged allies and partners in Asia to increase defense spending and adopt its Indo-Pacific strategy, often with veiled suggestions of containment. On the other, China has expanded its military and coast guard presence in regional waters, testing the boundaries of maritime diplomacy. Yet Malaysia remains steadfastly neutral committed to peace, but not pacifism. The selection of Turkey is a clear signal that Malaysia can strengthen its defence posture without falling into the orbit of either superpower. The Anka‑S is not part of any military bloc or encirclement agenda. It is a tool of sovereign surveillance, rooted in international law and national interest. Türkiye also offers strategic reliability without overreach. It has forged strong defence ties with both NATO and non-NATO countries, including Pakistan, Qatar, and Indonesia. Its drones, including the Anka‑S and the famed Bayraktar TB2, have been combat-proven in multiple theatres—from Syria and Libya to Nagorno-Karabakh and Ukraine. While Malaysia is not adopting these UAVs for combat, the reliability and endurance of the Anka‑S speaks volumes about its maturity as a platform. Moreover, Türkiye is not just a defence provider—it is a geopolitical partner. Its increasing engagement with Southeast Asia through trade, cultural exchange, and religious diplomacy—particularly as a Muslim-majority nation—makes it a natural fit for deeper strategic relations with Malaysia and ASEAN. Its presence offers a third way for countries seeking alternatives to the binary of Washington and Beijing. In this context, Malaysia's decision to field the Anka‑S is not merely a technical or tactical decision. It is a quiet yet profound statement of national resolve. Malaysia seeks not to provoke, but to protect. Not to align blindly, but to cooperate wisely. We remain firm in our rights under UNCLOS, especially in defending our maritime zones—but we will continue to engage China, the United States, and all partners through dialogue and diplomacy. Let there be no misreading: Malaysia's vision of the South China Sea is not as a flashpoint of rival empires, but as a shared space requiring shared responsibility. With the Anka‑S circling above, Malaysia does not signal hostility—but capability. This is what sovereign agency looks like in the 21st century—eyes wide open, posture firm, diplomacy intact. Malaysia's approach to the South China Sea is neither naive nor aggressive. It is rooted in quiet strength, strategic foresight, and a refusal to be drawn into great power theatrics. By working with Turkey, a bridge between the Atlantic and Asia, Malaysia is building more than defense capacity—it is shaping a future where ASEAN nations assert their own narratives, on their own terms. Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is professor of ASEAN studies, International Islamic University Malaysia . Luthfy Hamzah is senior research fellow, Strategic Pan Indo Pacific Arena, Kuala Lumpur .
The Sun
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Sun
UK strengthens ASEAN ties via FPDA, security cooperation in Malaysia
KUALA LUMPUR: The United Kingdom has reinforced its dedication to regional security and economic stability by deepening ties with ASEAN, particularly under Malaysia's leadership, through established defence agreements and international legal frameworks. UK High Commissioner to Malaysia Ajay Sharma highlighted the Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA) as a cornerstone of this cooperation. The FPDA, involving Malaysia, Singapore, Australia, and New Zealand, was established in 1971 to ensure regional defence post-Britain's military withdrawal. Today, it addresses modern challenges like maritime security and counter-terrorism through joint exercises. Sharma emphasised the UK's adherence to global norms such as the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which supports maritime stability. 'Through agreements like UNCLOS and collaboration with Malaysia and regional partners, we aim to resolve differences diplomatically,' he said during an interview on Bernama TV's *The Diplomatic Dispatch*. ASEAN's role in fostering inclusive dialogue was also praised. 'ASEAN's centrality allows the UK to engage on critical issues, ensuring peaceful resolutions through strong international institutions,' Sharma noted. With Malaysia chairing ASEAN this year, the UK seeks to expand its partnership, focusing on ASEAN-led initiatives. 'Asia is the future, and we want to be part of it. Strengthening ties with ASEAN, especially under Malaysia's leadership, is a priority,' he added. The UK became ASEAN's Dialogue Partner in 2021, its first new partner in 25 years. The 58th ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting (AMM) and related sessions will take place in Kuala Lumpur from July 8 to 11, offering further opportunities for collaboration.
Barnama
2 days ago
- Politics
- Barnama
UK Reaffirms ASEAN Commitment Through FPDA, Security Cooperation
By Nur Atiq Maisarah Suhaimi KUALA LUMPUR, June 26 (Bernama) -- The United Kingdom (UK) has reaffirmed its commitment to regional peace and stability by strengthening cooperation with ASEAN member states under Malaysia's chairmanship, through international legal frameworks and long-standing defence arrangements. UK High Commissioner to Malaysia Ajay Sharma said this includes the Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA), a security partnership involving Malaysia, Singapore, Australia, and New Zealand, as well as adherence to global norms such as the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which underpins maritime stability in the region. bootstrap slideshow 'As part of our relationship with Malaysia, we are working bilaterally, regionally and internationally to promote stability and create the conditions for economic growth. 'Through agreements such as the law of the sea, and cooperation with Malaysia and other countries in the region, we aim to ensure that international agreements are respected and that any differences are resolved diplomatically and through dialogue,' Sharma told Bernama after appearing on the Bernama TV programme The Diplomatic Dispatch on Thursday. Established in 1971, the FPDA is a multilateral security arrangement formed in the context of Britain's military withdrawal from the 'East of Suez', to support the defence and stability of Malaysia and Singapore following their respective independence and separation. Since its establishment over 50 years ago, the FPDA has evolved to cover a broader range of security tasks, including air defence, maritime security, and counter-terrorism, as demonstrated in major annual exercises. Sharma noted that ASEAN plays an essential role in fostering inclusive dialogue and multilateral cooperation on regional and global challenges. 'ASEAN is great because it brings together, with ASEAN centrality and inclusivity at its heart, a group of countries that we in the UK can engage with on a range of important issues.
Express Tribune
6 days ago
- Business
- Express Tribune
When geography meets geopolitics
The writer is a Research Fellow at the Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad. She is a LUMS and Warwick alumnus Listen to article The Strait of Hormuz – a mere 21 nautical miles wide at its narrowest point – is a passage so narrow, yet so powerful, that a single disruption here can jolt the arteries of the global economy. Located between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman, the Strait of Hormuz serves as the primary maritime gateway for the world's energy supply. Roughly one-fifth of the global oil trade, an estimated 17 million barrels of oil pass through it daily. In 2024, oil flow through the strait averaged 20 million barrels per day (b/d), or the equivalent of about 20% of global petroleum liquids consumption. Exporters including Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar rely on this maritime passage to access international markets. The strait is also a major route for non-oil shipping, linking Gulf economies to Asia, Africa and Europe. While some infrastructure exists to bypass the strait, such as overland pipelines through Saudi Arabia and the UAE, these alternatives have limited capacity and cannot fully substitute for Hormuz. As a result, the strait remains a strategic chokepoint, where even minor disruptions can impact global energy prices and shipping insurance markets. The importance of the Strait of Hormuz is not limited to the Middle East. Asian economies such as China, Japan, India and South Korea are heavily reliant on energy imports from the Gulf, and any sustained disruption could affect global manufacturing and inflation. Similarly, European and North American markets are tied into the same global supply chains, making stability in the strait a shared international interest. Control over the strait is geographically shared. The northern shore belongs to Iran, while the southern side is part of Oman, specifically its Musandam exclave. The navigable shipping lanes within the strait fall under territorial waters, but transit is governed by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which grants the right of transit passage to all vessels, including military ships, provided they do not threaten peace or security. The Strait of Hormuz has never been fully blocked or closed to shipping. However, it has occasionally witnessed episodes of tension, particularly during periods of strained diplomatic relations or military escalation. Incidents involving tanker seizures, naval exercises and rhetorical threats from multiple actors have contributed to its reputation as a flashpoint. Its continued openness can be attributed to both geographical and legal factors. The strait falls under the framework of transit passage rights established by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which restricts unilateral actions by coastal states to impede navigation. Moreover, any actual attempt to close the strait would likely trigger a significant escalation of regional and international tensions, making the cost of such a move exceedingly high for all involved parties. Amid escalating tensions between Iran and Israel, recent warnings from Iranian officials about the possible closure of the Strait of Hormuz have already begun to influence global oil markets. In mid-June 2025, following Israeli airstrikes on Iranian targets and subsequent rhetoric from Tehran, Brent crude prices surged by over 4%, reaching around $78 per barrel, while WTI crude followed a similar trajectory. While a full-scale closure has not occurred, forecasts suggest that even a partial disruption — such as the loss of 1.1 million barrels per day of Iranian exports — could push prices to $75-78, whereas a complete shutdown could send them soaring to $120-130 per barrel. The world depends on this waterway, but few grasp the full magnitude of its strategic weight or the complexity of its control. Safe to say Hormuz is small on the map, but vast in its impact.
