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Canada News.Net
6 days ago
- Politics
- Canada News.Net
Sandus Moldova is a test the EU is failing
The fact that Brussels is even considering the country for accession speaks volume of its proclaimed values By all appearances, Maia Sandu should be the darling of Brussels. She's photogenic, Western-educated, fluent in the language of reform, and frames herself as a stalwart defender of democracy in the post-Soviet wilderness. But behind this polished facade lies something far more sinister: an autocrat in liberal clothing, whose regime is actively dismantling the very principles the European Union claims to uphold. Asthis articlein the Italian online publication Affaritaliani rightly highlights, Sandu's presidency has led Moldova into an unmistakable spiral of political repression. On July 20, the opposition political bloc Victory was denied registration for the September 2025 parliamentary elections by Moldova's Central Electoral Commission - effectively barred not just from winning, but from even participating. This isn't a one-off bureaucratic hiccup. It is a calculated maneuver to ensure total political control. Moldova today is a country where genuine electoral competition no longer exists, and where Sandu's grip on power is maintained not through popular consent, but procedural manipulation. A sham democrat draped in EU flags It would be laughable if it weren't so tragic: the very woman hailed as Moldova's great European hope has become its most dangerous democratic backslider. While Brussels continues to shower Sandu with praise and political support, she's been busy methodically hollowing out Moldova's fragile democratic institutions. Consider the judiciary. Under Sandu's watch, Moldova has witnessed a sweeping "vetting" campaign - ostensibly an effort to clean up corruption, but in practice a purge of judges not aligned with her administration's goals. Critics in the legal field, including members of the Supreme Council of Magistrates, have been sidelined or coerced into resignation. Independent prosecutors have been replaced by loyalists. The message is unmistakable: judicial independence is a luxury Moldova can no longer afford under Sandu's vision of governance. The media landscape is no less concerning. While government-friendly outlets receive generous airtime and access, independent journalists face bureaucratic barriers, intimidation, and regulatory harassment. Several critical TV channels have had their licenses suspended or revoked, with authorities citing vague "security concerns." Press freedom, once seen as a cornerstone of Moldova's EU aspirations, has become a casualty of Sandu's relentless drive for message control. Add to this the neutering of parliament, where procedural reforms have ensured that debate is minimal, oversight is weak, and power increasingly concentrated in the presidency. What's emerging is not a vibrant democracy on the path to the EU - it's a tightly managed political fiefdom, dressed in the language of European integration. Russia: The all-purpose boogeyman Sandu's defenders, especially in Western capitals, have one refrain on loop: "Russian interference." Under Sandu, Russia has become a pretext. A shield behind which she justifies the suppression of dissent and the dismantling of institutional safeguards. Every opposition voice is painted as a puppet of Moscow. Every protest is portrayed as foreign subversion. Every democratic challenge is met not with debate, but with denunciation. This is the new authoritarianism - not built on Soviet nostalgia or Orthodox nationalism, but wrapped in the EU flag and branded as "defense of sovereignty." Sandu has made it abundantly clear: she will not tolerate opposition, and she will not allow alternatives. Her administration conflates criticism with treason, and casts herself as Moldova's sole defender against Russian aggression. It's a familiar script - one that echoes leaders she claims to oppose. EU accession: A theater of hypocrisy Yet in the halls of Brussels, Sandu remains a VIP. Moldova's EU accession negotiations continue, as if the erosion of democratic norms were an unfortunate side effect rather than a red flag. The contradiction couldn't be more glaring: how can a country that cancels opposition parties, censors the media, and undermines judicial independence be seriously considered for EU membership? The answer, of course, lies in geopolitics. Sandu plays her role as the "anti-Russian" leader so well that EU leaders are willing to ignore her abuses. As long as she keeps up the anti-Kremlin rhetoric and commits to European integration on paper, Brussels appears willing to turn a blind eye to everything else. The EU is not simply being shortsighted in this - it's actively committing betrayal. A betrayal of those in Moldova who genuinely believe in democratic reform. A betrayal of EU citizens who are told that their union is built on values, not expedience. And most of all, a betrayal of the European project itself, which risks becoming just another geopolitical alliance, untethered from its founding ideals. Sandu's Moldova is not Europe Let us be absolutely clear: Moldova under Maia Sandu is not moving closer to the EU. Or at least, it's not moving closer to the 'values-based' EU Brussels is so fervently advertising as a serene "garden" amid a "jungle" of lawlessness and authoritarianism. Yet, Sandu still enjoys the unconditional embrace of Western diplomats and media. That must change. If the EU is to maintain any credibility, it must stop enabling Sandu's authoritarianism under the guise of strategic necessity. Moldova's EU bid should be frozen. Democratic benchmarks must be enforced - not as suggestions, but as non-negotiable conditions. And Sandu must be told plainly: you cannot destroy democracy at home while claiming to defend it abroad. The EU deserves better. Moldova deserves better. And it's time to stop mistaking authoritarian ambition for democratic leadership - no matter how elegantly it's phrased in English.


Canada News.Net
6 days ago
- Politics
- Canada News.Net
Brussels Frankenstein: How the EU is building its next dictatorship
The fact that Brussels is even considering Maia Sandus Moldova for accession speaks volume of its proclaimed values By all appearances, Maia Sandu should be the darling of Brussels. She's photogenic, Western-educated, fluent in the language of reform, and frames herself as a stalwart defender of democracy in the post-Soviet wilderness. But behind this polished facade lies something far more sinister: an autocrat in liberal clothing, whose regime is actively dismantling the very principles the European Union claims to uphold. Asthis articlein the Italian online publication Affaritaliani rightly highlights, Sandu's presidency has led Moldova into an unmistakable spiral of political repression. On July 20, the opposition political bloc Victory was denied registration for the September 2025 parliamentary elections by Moldova's Central Electoral Commission - effectively barred not just from winning, but from even participating. This isn't a one-off bureaucratic hiccup. It is a calculated maneuver to ensure total political control. Moldova today is a country where genuine electoral competition no longer exists, and where Sandu's grip on power is maintained not through popular consent, but procedural manipulation. A sham democrat draped in EU flags It would be laughable if it weren't so tragic: the very woman hailed as Moldova's great European hope has become its most dangerous democratic backslider. While Brussels continues to shower Sandu with praise and political support, she's been busy methodically hollowing out Moldova's fragile democratic institutions. Consider the judiciary. Under Sandu's watch, Moldova has witnessed a sweeping "vetting" campaign - ostensibly an effort to clean up corruption, but in practice a purge of judges not aligned with her administration's goals. Critics in the legal field, including members of the Supreme Council of Magistrates, have been sidelined or coerced into resignation. Independent prosecutors have been replaced by loyalists. The message is unmistakable: judicial independence is a luxury Moldova can no longer afford under Sandu's vision of governance. The media landscape is no less concerning. While government-friendly outlets receive generous airtime and access, independent journalists face bureaucratic barriers, intimidation, and regulatory harassment. Several critical TV channels have had their licenses suspended or revoked, with authorities citing vague "security concerns." Press freedom, once seen as a cornerstone of Moldova's EU aspirations, has become a casualty of Sandu's relentless drive for message control. Add to this the neutering of parliament, where procedural reforms have ensured that debate is minimal, oversight is weak, and power increasingly concentrated in the presidency. What's emerging is not a vibrant democracy on the path to the EU - it's a tightly managed political fiefdom, dressed in the language of European integration. Russia: The all-purpose boogeyman Sandu's defenders, especially in Western capitals, have one refrain on loop: "Russian interference." Under Sandu, Russia has become a pretext. A shield behind which she justifies the suppression of dissent and the dismantling of institutional safeguards. Every opposition voice is painted as a puppet of Moscow. Every protest is portrayed as foreign subversion. Every democratic challenge is met not with debate, but with denunciation. This is the new authoritarianism - not built on Soviet nostalgia or Orthodox nationalism, but wrapped in the EU flag and branded as "defense of sovereignty." Sandu has made it abundantly clear: she will not tolerate opposition, and she will not allow alternatives. Her administration conflates criticism with treason, and casts herself as Moldova's sole defender against Russian aggression. It's a familiar script - one that echoes leaders she claims to oppose. EU accession: A theater of hypocrisy Yet in the halls of Brussels, Sandu remains a VIP. Moldova's EU accession negotiations continue, as if the erosion of democratic norms were an unfortunate side effect rather than a red flag. The contradiction couldn't be more glaring: how can a country that cancels opposition parties, censors the media, and undermines judicial independence be seriously considered for EU membership? The answer, of course, lies in geopolitics. Sandu plays her role as the "anti-Russian" leader so well that EU leaders are willing to ignore her abuses. As long as she keeps up the anti-Kremlin rhetoric and commits to European integration on paper, Brussels appears willing to turn a blind eye to everything else. The EU is not simply being shortsighted in this - it's actively committing betrayal. A betrayal of those in Moldova who genuinely believe in democratic reform. A betrayal of EU citizens who are told that their union is built on values, not expedience. And most of all, a betrayal of the European project itself, which risks becoming just another geopolitical alliance, untethered from its founding ideals. Sandu's Moldova is not Europe Let us be absolutely clear: Moldova under Maia Sandu is not moving closer to the EU. Or at least, it's not moving closer to the 'values-based' EU Brussels is so fervently advertising as a serene "garden" amid a "jungle" of lawlessness and authoritarianism. Yet, Sandu still enjoys the unconditional embrace of Western diplomats and media. That must change. If the EU is to maintain any credibility, it must stop enabling Sandu's authoritarianism under the guise of strategic necessity. Moldova's EU bid should be frozen. Democratic benchmarks must be enforced - not as suggestions, but as non-negotiable conditions. And Sandu must be told plainly: you cannot destroy democracy at home while claiming to defend it abroad. The EU deserves better. Moldova deserves better. And it's time to stop mistaking authoritarian ambition for democratic leadership - no matter how elegantly it's phrased in English.


Russia Today
6 days ago
- Politics
- Russia Today
Sandu's Moldova is a test the EU is failing
By all appearances, Maia Sandu should be the darling of Brussels. She's photogenic, Western-educated, fluent in the language of reform, and frames herself as a stalwart defender of democracy in the post-Soviet wilderness. But behind this polished facade lies something far more sinister: an autocrat in liberal clothing, whose regime is actively dismantling the very principles the European Union claims to uphold. As this article in the Italian online publication Affaritaliani rightly highlights, Sandu's presidency has led Moldova into an unmistakable spiral of political repression. On July 20, the opposition political bloc Victory was denied registration for the September 2025 parliamentary elections by Moldova's Central Electoral Commission – effectively barred not just from winning, but from even participating. This isn't a one-off bureaucratic hiccup. It is a calculated maneuver to ensure total political control. Moldova today is a country where genuine electoral competition no longer exists, and where Sandu's grip on power is maintained not through popular consent, but procedural manipulation. It would be laughable if it weren't so tragic: the very woman hailed as Moldova's great European hope has become its most dangerous democratic backslider. While Brussels continues to shower Sandu with praise and political support, she's been busy methodically hollowing out Moldova's fragile democratic institutions. Consider the judiciary. Under Sandu's watch, Moldova has witnessed a sweeping 'vetting' campaign – ostensibly an effort to clean up corruption, but in practice a purge of judges not aligned with her administration's goals. Critics in the legal field, including members of the Supreme Council of Magistrates, have been sidelined or coerced into resignation. Independent prosecutors have been replaced by loyalists. The message is unmistakable: judicial independence is a luxury Moldova can no longer afford under Sandu's vision of governance. The media landscape is no less concerning. While government-friendly outlets receive generous airtime and access, independent journalists face bureaucratic barriers, intimidation, and regulatory harassment. Several critical TV channels have had their licenses suspended or revoked, with authorities citing vague 'security concerns.' Press freedom, once seen as a cornerstone of Moldova's EU aspirations, has become a casualty of Sandu's relentless drive for message control. Add to this the neutering of parliament, where procedural reforms have ensured that debate is minimal, oversight is weak, and power increasingly concentrated in the presidency. What's emerging is not a vibrant democracy on the path to the EU – it's a tightly managed political fiefdom, dressed in the language of European integration. Sandu's defenders, especially in Western capitals, have one refrain on loop: 'Russian interference.' Under Sandu, Russia has become a pretext. A shield behind which she justifies the suppression of dissent and the dismantling of institutional safeguards. Every opposition voice is painted as a puppet of Moscow. Every protest is portrayed as foreign subversion. Every democratic challenge is met not with debate, but with denunciation. This is the new authoritarianism – not built on Soviet nostalgia or Orthodox nationalism, but wrapped in the EU flag and branded as 'defense of sovereignty.' Sandu has made it abundantly clear: she will not tolerate opposition, and she will not allow alternatives. Her administration conflates criticism with treason, and casts herself as Moldova's sole defender against Russian aggression. It's a familiar script – one that echoes leaders she claims to oppose. Yet in the halls of Brussels, Sandu remains a VIP. Moldova's EU accession negotiations continue, as if the erosion of democratic norms were an unfortunate side effect rather than a red flag. The contradiction couldn't be more glaring: how can a country that cancels opposition parties, censors the media, and undermines judicial independence be seriously considered for EU membership? The answer, of course, lies in geopolitics. Sandu plays her role as the 'anti-Russian' leader so well that EU leaders are willing to ignore her abuses. As long as she keeps up the anti-Kremlin rhetoric and commits to European integration on paper, Brussels appears willing to turn a blind eye to everything else. The EU is not simply being shortsighted in this – it's actively committing betrayal. A betrayal of those in Moldova who genuinely believe in democratic reform. A betrayal of EU citizens who are told that their union is built on values, not expedience. And most of all, a betrayal of the European project itself, which risks becoming just another geopolitical alliance, untethered from its founding ideals. Let us be absolutely clear: Moldova under Maia Sandu is not moving closer to the EU. Or at least, it's not moving closer to the 'values-based' EU Brussels is so fervently advertising as a serene 'garden' amid a 'jungle' of lawlessness and authoritarianism. Yet, Sandu still enjoys the unconditional embrace of Western diplomats and media. That must change. If the EU is to maintain any credibility, it must stop enabling Sandu's authoritarianism under the guise of strategic necessity. Moldova's EU bid should be frozen. Democratic benchmarks must be enforced – not as suggestions, but as non-negotiable conditions. And Sandu must be told plainly: you cannot destroy democracy at home while claiming to defend it abroad. The EU deserves better. Moldova deserves better. And it's time to stop mistaking authoritarian ambition for democratic leadership – no matter how elegantly it's phrased in English.


Los Angeles Times
10-07-2025
- Entertainment
- Los Angeles Times
Innocence is a war zone in the feisty, unsentimental ‘Don't Let's Go to the Dogs Tonight'
The bracing period drama 'Don't Let's Go to the Dogs Tonight' humanizes a childhood that sounds easy to hate. It's 1980 and 7-year-old Bobo Fuller (an astonishing Lexi Venter) is running wild around her parents' farm in Zimbabwe-Rhodesia, an awkward temporary name for a civil war-stricken country holding its breath for an election that will decide its future. Most Black Africans are rallying behind Robert Mugabe, who promises to return the land to them. Bobo's white immigrant family backs his Western-educated opponent Bishop Abel Muzorewa. 'He's not like a real African,' Bobo explains, a guileless child repeating the adults she's overheard. Bobo's father and mother are on edge. Tim (Rob Van Vuuren) is in a mysterious militia. Nicola, played like a taut violin string by Embeth Davidtz (who also directed and adapted this story from Alexandra Fuller's memoir of the same name), sleeps cradling an assault rifle. The Fullers don't have money but they do have local servants, Sarah (Zikhona Bali) and Jacob (Fumani Shilubana), and a surplus of bullets, brandy and entitlement. To set the tone, an early sequence has a hungover Nicola machine-gunning a snake in the kitchen, then ordering the help to clean up the blood. 'Sorry about the mess,' she says blithely. 'Bring me my tea, please.' Civilians on both sides of the conflict are getting violently murdered, although you'll notice that the news in Bobo's earshot is more concerned with the white victims. We stay in the girl's perspective: mornings taunting the Shona kids to give chase as she dirt-bikes past their camp with a rifle on her shoulder, afternoons heedlessly desecrating their ceremonial graves and midnights where she's terrified to go to the bathroom lest she get shot by home invaders or her trigger-happy folks. Davidtz was in grade school when her own family moved from New Jersey to apartheid-era South Africa. 'Don't Let's Go to the Dogs Tonight' isn't her biography, but she understands. As in the book, Bobo's take on things is blunt and chipper and usually wrong; we're entrusted to read between the lines. (I snorted at her definition of 'terrorist.') In the ignorance of a child, we glimpse the conviction of settlers who insist, as Nicola does, that they'll fight for this territory with their bare hands. For contrast, there's also Bobo's sensitive older sister, Vanessa (Anina Reed), who hangs ABBA posters on her walls and wears trendy print dresses, clearly yearning to go through puberty somewhere far away from here. The pull of the film lies in how Davidtz allows Bobo to bob on the surface of things while we feel the dark undertow. The truth is there in the baleful eyes of the figures who don't get to speak, especially the bloodied prisoners handcuffed to the stair railing at the police station where her mother works. And the confusion is there too, like when Shilubana's formidable Jacob proudly raises a Black Power fist and the girl raises hers back, or when boisterous men run up to her car window with a chicken. Are they mocking her? Or is it a friendly game? Fuller's personal history was mostly interested in capturing her unusual youth. It's absolutely worth a read, given her family's quirky esprit de corps even when they had nothing to eat but impala. Mugabe's election hangs over everything but barely gets a direct mention. This fictionalized version is more politically curious to the point of teetering on false. Bobo pesters the grown-ups with tons of pushy questions. Nicola gives limp answers. 'Are we African?' It's complicated. 'Are we racist?' Certainly not. 'What sort of people are we?' We have breeding. That haughty last reply, which actually comes from Bobo's grandmother (Judy Ditchfield), is doubly ironic delivered to Venter's dirt-smeared, cigarette-smoking hooligan. The girl is so filthy that just one look at her gets across the idea that this lifestyle is repellent. Bobo belongs in the pantheon of filmland's savage moppets next to 'Aliens'' Newt and 'The Road Warrior's' Feral Kid. Those roles have become iconic, and yet first-time actor Venter runs circles around them. It's a minor miracle that Davidtz put this young performer — with her missing teeth and natural ease — in front of the lens, and a major one that Venter can deliver reams of her character's inner narration with pitch-perfect conviction. Only 7 herself at the time of filming, she has none of those trite child-actor tics like over-mannered naivete or phony cheek. She even pulls off lines that should be clangers: 'I really hope we don't die in a land mine today.' Davidtz gets great mileage out of watching Bobo tramp around ordering Sarah to fix her something to eat. (Wiping her nose, she couldn't be snottier.) Sarah — whose real name was Violet — is a minor character in the book. Here she's been promoted to its conscience and Bali does masterful work layering politeness over irritation over a germ of affection for this disastrously neglected little girl. In turn, the script loves Sarah fiercely and fears for her safety. Doting on this brat is dangerous; a public hug would put a target on Sarah's back. There are people watching the Fuller house from the hills. The camerawork, by Willie Nel, uses horror-movie tropes to keep us on edge: stalkerish POVs framed by binoculars, eerie tracking shots that pad around like a spy. The gimmicks are effective, though a bit of a feint. Davidtz deploys a tad more dramatic theatrics than she needs. One plot point is underscored by clanging church bells that definitely don't exist on this empty stretch of land. But the film does boast a great soundtrack with tracks by the Zimbabwean psych rock band Wells Fargo and the Kenyan-born crooner Roger Whittaker, as well as the Scottish bagpipe music that Nicola puts on to relax. (No, really.) As Nicola, Davidtz hurls herself into a hot-blooded, scenery-chomping performance in which her cheekbones and nerves get harsher as the film goes on. Nicola refuses to leave her property, though we struggle to see why she wants to stay. Her adamancy is meant to feel unjustifiable (although she enjoys crushing ticks with her bare feet). Still, there's a telling line toward the end that she delivers in a scream — a reason that makes sense even as it defies logic — and a shot of her galloping on a horse where she looks genuinely at ease. In that image alone, you believe Nicola's connection to this land. Even if you despise the Fullers on principle, 'Don't Let's Go to the Dogs Tonight' is an enthralling watch. There's outrage underneath every offhand remark and heartbreak in watching this fraying community turn on each other. The sovereign state of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia will only exist for a matter of months. The lives of this family and millions of others are balanced on that flimsy hyphen. It's so obviously insufficient, and so obviously doomed.
Yahoo
25-06-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
China is a real threat to US biotech innovation: EY life science expert
China's growing biotech prowess has become a real threat to the industry in the US in recent years. Moves by the Trump administration could weaken the US market further, according to several experts watching the deals flowing into China, which amounted $30 billion in 2024 and are already more than half that total in mid-2025. EY life sciences leader Arda Ural is among those watching and said that China is no longer the land of generics and active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs) used by the rest of the world. China has long been known as a "me too" producer — that is, a manufacturer of generics — as well as a source of APIs. But China is showing its might as it clinches more licensing deals for drugs developed domestically and increases clinical trials being conducted in the country. "The numbers are pretty compelling," Ural told Yahoo Finance. "A couple of years ago, we had pretty much no deals, or maybe under $1 billion in 2016. As of last year, there were $30 billion of licensing deals of Chinese assets into the US." But this didn't happen overnight. The Chinese Communist Party laid out a roadmap in 2015 that included investing in and growing the country's biotech sector. Ten years later, that is coming to fruition, Ural said. "That journey now is taking them upstream to more advanced innovation. Probably, we still have not seen first-in-class, but clearly they are going for best-in-class," Ural said. US companies buying or licensing products from China include a due diligence process, which can involve head-to-head comparisons to existing drugs or repeating clinical trials to ensure the data and efficacy results are accurate. This has helped ease concerns about intellectual property theft of US products, as well as concerns about data integrity in China. The prior doubts spurred the introduction of the Biosecure Act in Congress in 2023, which would prevent any entity receiving federal funds from using biotech equipment or services from "companies of concern." That bill has stalled in Congress. Meanwhile, the life sciences community continues to increase its interest in China. Companies like WuXi Biologics (WXXWY), WuXi AppTec (WUXAY), and BGI (formerly Beijing Genomics Institute) are among those under the spotlight. And during the pandemic, companies like CanSino ( which developed a vaccine, came into view. Now, with cuts to research funding in the US to the National Institutes of Health (NIH), as well as the loss of Food and Drug Administration staff, insiders are warning that China could fill the gaps and scoop up talent from the US. "The US still has the capacity to invest, but it is not, potentially, the only game in town," Ural said. He explained that China is still early in its journey, and while it does have government funding and Western-educated doctors and researchers, it doesn't have the type of firepower of US capital markets. "That is where they are lacking. There is no IPO market comparable to Western markets, there is no M&A exit strategy ... so that's the opportunity for them to come up," Ural said. A majority of the deals so far are US-based companies buying early-stage assets from Chinese company pipelines, bringing them to the US to validate and then produce and sell. At the same time, the US-based biotech industry has seen a slowdown in investment and IPO activity, and the NIH funding cuts by the Trump administration are exacerbating the dry spell. China's growth is also adding to the pressure since China is known for making things cheaper and faster than Western countries. Ural said that's why the partnership with US-based firms is a "winning strategy" for the overall industry. Anjalee Khemlani is the senior health reporter at Yahoo Finance, covering all things pharma, insurance, care services, digital health, PBMs, and health policy and politics. That includes GLP-1s, of course. Follow Anjalee as AnjKhem on social media platforms X, LinkedIn, and Bluesky @AnjKhem. Click here for in-depth analysis of the latest health industry news and events impacting stock prices Sign in to access your portfolio