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India.com
9 hours ago
- Politics
- India.com
BJP's ‘Nari Shakti' Rhetoric Faces Leadership Test Within Party
New Delhi: In Indian politics, slogans often do the heavy lifting. 'Nari Shakti', the BJP's rallying cry for women's empowerment, has been a consistent part of its electoral pitch, development agenda, and cultural messaging. From schemes like Ujjwala Yojana to the push for the Women's Reservation Bill, the party has repeatedly projected itself as a champion of women's rights. However, despite years of promoting 'Nari Shakti' as a key electoral plank and cultural identity, the Bharatiya Janata Party today finds itself in an uncomfortable position, lacking a strong, popular pan-India woman face in its top leadership or newly formed cabinet. While the Modi cabinet has seven women ministers, none of them enjoys pan-India popularity like Sushma Swaraj or other former women leaders of the party. This apparent disconnect between rhetoric and representation hasn't gone unnoticed. This gap has raised eyebrows among political observers, and as the 3.0 Modi-led government takes shape, a critical question arises: Where are the women? A cabinet without prominent women "Nari Shakti" is a powerful slogan, but slogans don't substitute for representation. The absence of prominent female leadership highlights how women are still perceived more as support systems than leaders within the party. This is not a new pattern. The BJP fielded around 16% women candidates in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, a modest improvement, but still far short of the 33% goal it has publicly endorsed. Despite a strong base of women MPs (31 out of the BJP's 240 in the 18th Lok Sabha) and growing female participation in election campaigns and grassroots politics, few women are elevated to positions of national political visibility or decision-making authority. As per several analysts, parties field women candidates in either safe or hopeless constituencies, rarely in the crucial battleground seats. Women are mobilized during elections, but not groomed for leadership. Experts feel the BJP's Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam Act was a mere eyewash, promising 33% reservation for women in Lok Sabha and state assemblies, but delivering a paltry 31 women MPs in 2024, a stark decline from 42 in 2019. Experts say this is a part of a broader pattern where women are mobilized as voters and campaigners, especially in welfare schemes and outreach initiatives, but are not empowered as political decision-makers. This paradox, between women's increasing political visibility and their absence from actual leadership, has drawn criticism. Political Analyst Sandeep Choudhary said, "Making Droupadi Murmu the President of India, a tribal woman from a humble background, certainly sent a message to the world. But let's not mistake representation for empowerment. Women do not become empowered merely by holding symbolic positions. Real empowerment demands structural change; women must be given real power in legislative assemblies, in ministries, in administrative authority, and in decision-making bodies where their voice is not just present, but heard and acted upon." "Women's participation in politics should not be conditional upon the will or generosity of men. As long as male leaders continue to decide which woman should get a ticket, whose voice should rise, and who should be sidelined, empowerment will remain a distant dream. Women must be allowed to rise through their merit, their strength, and their vision, not based on what role the male leadership assigns them. Until then, this will not be true empowerment, but controlled representation," he further added. "Look at Smriti Irani, she is articulate, bold, and deeply connected to the ground realities. Yet after her defeat, she vanished from political prominence. In contrast, men like Pushkar Singh Dhami and Keshav Prasad Maurya were made Chief Minister and Deputy Chief Minister despite losing. This inconsistency shows that women are still viewed as exceptions, not equals," Choudhary further highlighted, adding, "Today, the BJP governs many states across India, yet how many women do we see as Chief Ministers? Just one, and that too, a recent appointment of Rekha Gupta in Delhi, after the fall of the AAP government. If women truly matter in politics, why are they missing from the top posts across the country? You cannot talk about Nari Shakti while structurally excluding women from leadership roles." Experts feel that when capable women are ignored, it sends a message to the next generation of women that their rise will always depend on factors beyond competence. "Slogans like 'Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao' and 'Nari Shaktikaran' are powerful, but they must translate into policies, opportunities, and representation. Until a woman can rise from the Panchayat to Parliament without systemic bias, until her ticket isn't decided by the male high command, and until her defeat isn't treated as final while men are resurrected, true women's empowerment will remain a distant ideal," he concluded. Ground-level mobilization, but no elevation To be fair, the BJP has effectively mobilized women at the grassroots, using self-help groups, local welfare schemes, and women-specific subsidies to cultivate strong female voter bases. In states like Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, women played a decisive role in the BJP victories. Initiatives like the Ladli Behna Yojana and targeted welfare programs have built immense goodwill among women voters, especially in rural India. BJP has mastered the art of symbolism when it comes to women, but that mobilization has not translated to genuine political inclusion. Women are present on the ground, not in the room where decisions are made. This dissonance, women as voters versus women as leaders, is now becoming too stark to ignore. Reports also say that women's representation is far lower than in many other democracies. The few women who do make it are typically from politically privileged families. Senior Journalist Rahul Lal slammed the BJP, saying, "The BJP's actions suggest that women's empowerment is not a priority for the party, and that the Nari Shakti slogan is merely a publicity gimmick." Making his views stronger, Rahul Lal added, "Women have been marginalized in every matter in terms of representation, and it's not an exaggeration to say that the BJP's Nari Shakti slogan has been a mere facade. The BJP could have given more tickets to women, but they didn't, and as a result, women's representation in the party has taken a hit. The Saffron party's promises of women's empowerment have turned out to be empty promises, with no substance or action to back them up." Regional contrast and missed opportunities Regional parties have offered a different model. In contrast, parties like the TMC, BSP, and even Congress have put women front and center. Mamata Banerjee, Mayawati, and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra are household names. Meanwhile, the BJP, a party with a national presence and deep organizational machinery, lacks any woman who occupies a similar national leadership space today. What must change Experts feel that for the BJP to credibly claim the mantle of 'Nari Shakti,' it must: Elevate women into the party's highest decision-making bodies, including cabinet committees and national executive posts. Field women candidates in winnable constituencies and train them for long-term leadership roles. Move beyond symbolism, giving women policy authority, not just campaign responsibilities, and promote internal mentorship and leadership pipelines, especially from grassroots to national politics. Time for structural empowerment The BJP's messaging around "Nari Shakti" has undeniably reshaped how women voters see politics, as something accessible and participatory. But turning that participation into real representation requires more than slogans. Until women are given real power, not just portfolios but policy-shaping authority, the gap between narrative and reality will continue to grow. In an era where optics matter, substance matters more. The question is no longer whether the BJP can mobilize women. It's whether it is ready to be led by them.
Indian Express
a day ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Where are the women in India's political parties?
Earlier this week, Congress named a set of 40 new district presidents for the state of Gujarat. It included 39 men, and one woman. Sonal Patel, who was appointed to the post in Ahmedabad city, expressed her disappointment and said she was expecting at least three to four women to make the cut. A few women had been shortlisted, but only Patel made it to the final list. The Congress's list is not very different from that of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP Gujarat), whose cohort of district presidents and secretaries for the state includes only two women among 41 names. From stubborn entry barriers to rigid leadership pathways, there are innumerable examples the world over to show why politics remains a difficult field for women. Not just in Gujarat, women remain scarce across internal hierarchies of political parties across India. Rewind to September 2023, when the historic Women's Reservation Bill was passed by Parliament with a near consensus. Political parties across the spectrum went all out to express support for the long-awaited Bill. Just 13 years earlier, the Bill had led to mayhem in the House of the People. Clearly, in 2023, women could no longer be dismissed so easily by political parties. Except that they can. Browse through the lists of office bearers on party websites, or glance through visuals from party gatherings and rallies. When the quota comes into play, are parties expecting a cohort of ready women leaders to magically emerge out of thin air? The veneer of support came crashing soon after the Bill was passed. Fourteen states have held Assembly elections since then. MyNeta data shows women comprised only 10 per cent of candidates, and a similar share among eventual MLAs (this ranges from 4.9 percent in Jammu and Kashmir and Arunachal Pradesh, to 13.9 percent in Odisha). In the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, just 9.6 percent of candidates were women. Most major parties fared on similar lines. In essence, electoral math exposed parties' (lack of) commitment to women's representation. The message was that they would back women only when forced by law. But now that the government has announced the next Census and indicated that the quota law is likely to be implemented in the 2029 Lok Sabha election, one wonders what parties are doing to build a steady supply of powerful and influential women leaders in the run-up. To be sure, there are some encouraging developments. Earlier this year, the ruling BJP said it was looking to include more women in its cadre and party organisation, and would include women as district presidents in some states. In Kerala, the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) appointed two women to its national leadership, a first in its 75-year history. The Congress party runs a Shakti Abhiyaan for the 'political empowerment of women'. But these piecemeal attempts are not going to suffice. Here are some steps parties could take, if they are not considering these already: First, identify women with the aspiration and potential to lead from within the party cadre. If finding enough women is difficult, look outside the party towards the local level. Thanks to the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments, India has thousands, possibly millions, of women active in local politics in villages and cities. Currently, the political system offers them little opportunity to grow beyond their jurisdiction. Also, look for women active in community organisations, self-help groups, and local movements. Second, once identified, champion them within the party's organisational structure. Some may not yet be ready to lead, so create opportunities for them to work closely with other local leaders. This will not only help them learn, but will also create scope for allyship within the party, where women and men work towards common goals as teams. Third, set internal quotas and targets for party leaders: For example, ask local office-bearers to ensure that their staff/team comprises a minimum percentage of women. From Iceland and Finland, to South Africa, the United Kingdom and New Zealand, there are numerous instances where countries have a healthy representation of women in politics even without quotas, because some or all major political parties have adopted quotas voluntarily. Parties can start with small targets (say 10 or 15 per cent), and then increase it incrementally. Recognise and reward those who meet and exceed these targets, and hold those who don't to account. Fourth, ensure there are adequate women in all decision-making bodies within the party, especially when it comes to decisions on who will make it to party positions. In Australia, as an example, the Labour Party's constitution states that its 'state branches should ask branches to nominate either a women's officer or contact person to assist the development of equitable participation for women in the Party'. Fifth, as you work to bring more women in, also work to create a friendly space for them. In Canada, the Liberal Party's Judy LaMarsh Fund aims to provide financial support to women candidates. In many countries, parties have publicly available policies and codes of conduct to prevent and address sexual harassment. Talk to the longstanding male leaders who could fear loss of power once the quotas come into play; get them on board and make them allies rather than adversaries ahead of this impending major shift. Curate the right culture, infrastructure, policies and support systems. Will a woman from a village be able to attend a party meeting being held in a city 200 km away? Will she have a safe place to stay if the meeting stretches into the night? Will there be a separate and functional washroom in the building where this meeting will be held? These may seem too basic, almost banal, but ask women who have had to navigate public life, and you'll find how real these barriers are. In short, don't just work to bring women in, also create the environment for them to stay and feel like they belong. Enabling women's entry into spaces where they have been historically excluded can be a bit of a chicken-and-egg problem. Women are more likely to bring in more women with them once they join but they are also more likely to join when there are already enough women present. So, how do you break the stasis, and ensure the critical mass? Quotas help. In India, they have been long awaited, but now that they're almost here, parties must make sustained and sincere attempts to enable women to participate in politics fully. Otherwise, they'll be left scrambling and resort to disingenuous last-minute measures. In the run-up to the implementation of the quota, every election and every organisational recruitment is a chance to prepare and build better — parties shouldn't let it be a missed opportunity. Chawla is an independent writer who tracks women's representation in public life (with a focus on politics, leadership positions, and the workforce)
United News of India
4 days ago
- Business
- United News of India
CM Reddy calls for strong coordination between party and Govt to strengthen Congress in Telangana
Hyderabad, June 24 (UNI) Telangana Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy emphasised the need for strong coordination between the Congress party and the government to ensure continued success and future electoral victories in the state. Speaking at the he Telangana Pradesh Congress Committee (TPCC) Political Affairs Committee (PAC) meeting held at Gandhi Bhavan here on Tuesday, Revanth Reddy said that both the party and the government must function as a unified team and that the coming 18 months would be a golden period for the government to deliver impactful governance and development. He urged party leaders to prioritise grassroots-level organization by forming committees at the booth, village, and mandal levels, noting that a strong party presence at the booth level is essential for effective implementation and outreach of government schemes. Stressing the importance of party-building, the Chief Minister said that leadership roles would be granted only to those who actively work at the ground level and that the party had already given positions to individuals who stood by Congress during challenging times. Revanth Reddy instructed leaders to focus on expanding the party's base and to prepare for upcoming challenges, including issues such as delimitation, the Women's Reservation Bill, and the possibility of simultaneous (Jamili) elections. He also emphasised the need for readiness in the upcoming Jubilee Hills by-election and called for disciplined conduct among party leaders. He reiterated the government's commitment to social justice, highlighting its resolve in resolving social issues and launching numerous welfare schemes. Deputy Chief Minister Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka, who also addressed the meeting, declared that Congress is synonymous with agriculture. He highlighted the government's major initiatives in the farming sector, including a Rs 2 lakh farmer loan waiver, 24-hour free electricity supply, investment assistance, farmer insurance, and a Rs 500 per quintal bonus for those cultivating fine rice (Sanna). Bhatti said that within just nine days, Rs 8,675 crore had been deposited into the accounts of over 67 lakh farmers as part of the Rythu Bharosa scheme, covering 1.49 crore acres of cultivable land. He added that Rs 17,091 crore had been paid to power companies on behalf of 29.40 lakh farmers under the free electricity scheme. A total of Rs 21,763 crore has been disbursed so far under the Rythu Bharosa scheme. Farmers cultivating fine grains have received Rs 1,199 crore as bonus, and 42.16 lakh farmers have been provided life insurance coverage under the Rythu Bima scheme. Under the Indiramma Atmiya Bharosa scheme, Rs 50 crore has been credited to landless agricultural laborers.
New Indian Express
4 days ago
- Politics
- New Indian Express
‘Need a formula for reserving seats, all parties must agree'
The MHA has said that the census will be conducted through digital means, using mobile applications, and self-enumeration. Will it lead to data inaccuracy? Self-enumeration is a hybrid system in which some individuals self-enumerate while enumerators cover the remainder. That leads to gaps or double counting. Earlier, the enumerators would have a map of the area they cover. They would visit every building and request people's details. Thus, nobody was excluded, and there was no overlap. The self-enumeration option opens up the possibility of double counting. The question is how you avoid that. The government has shown its eagerness to carry out a delimitation exercise after the census. How soon will it happen? The whole process is frozen till 2026. The reference date for the census is March 2027, and the government is expected to have the data by 2028. But it is entirely up to the government to carry out delimitation or not. There must be a political consensus, and all states must come on board. States play a key role because everything depends on how the states react. The southern states fear that delimitation will reduce their representation in Parliament. Are their concerns valid? Now, there will be even more states who share the same concern. All the states which have seen a sharp reduction in their population growth will complain. When delimitation occurs, the percentage of seats will decrease. The government must take them on board and come up with a formula acceptable to everyone. You can do delimitation in two ways. One way to say this is that we fix the number of people per parliamentary seat. Determine the number of parliamentary seats based on the population. The second is that they can adjust the number of parliamentary seats and redraw the boundaries so that each constituency has roughly the same number of people. Can the Women's Reservation Bill be implemented before the 2029 Lok Sabha elections? It was unanimously passed by Parliament in 2024. The question is which seats will get reserved after delimitation and what are the principles for reservation. You must have a principle behind it, and all parties must agree. I don't think that has been discussed yet.
Indian Express
5 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Census must not only count women — it must count them properly
Numbers have always told stories: Of progress, pain, and power. But too often, they have also erased people at the margins. As the country prepares for its next Census, we must ask: Will we count women in a way that reflects their diversity and realities? Or will the most marginalised be once again statistically invisible and politically excluded? The passage of the Women's Reservation Bill — formally the Constitution (106th Amendment) Act — in September 2023 was a watershed moment. But its implementation has been delayed as it depends on the delimitation exercise, tied to the Census. This means that how we conduct the Census will shape not only who gets counted, but also who gets a seat at the table potentially for decades to come. Therefore, the upcoming Census is not just a statistical operation. It is a unique opportunity to shape the scaffolding for a more inclusive democracy. But for that to happen, it must be gender-responsive in design and execution. Over the past decade, I have witnessed firsthand how women in politics confront entrenched structural hurdles. Casual sexism within party ranks, lack of access to campaign finance, being ignored by the media, threats of violence — both online and physical — and being constantly overlooked by their respective political parties in ticket distribution for legislative seats. These challenges are magnified for women belonging to marginalised communities. Dalit, Adivasi, Muslim, queer, and disabled women, among others, face multiple and intersecting layers of discrimination. Simply reserving seats without addressing the ecosystem of exclusion will only reproduce inequalities in new forms. The Census will not only be about collecting sex-disaggregated data. It should recognise that women are not a monolith and ensure that questionnaires reflect that complexity. These are some steps that can be taken: Gender-data can be cross-tabulated with indicators for literacy, employment, land ownership, bodily abilities, religion, caste, etc; partnering with experts in gender and caste research, keeping in mind that caste and subcaste formations can also be regional in nature; building public data portals that allow civil society to filter, analyse, and visualise gender-aggregated data; most importantly, the enumerators should be trained in gender sensitivity. In 2011, the Census made a landmark move by including a separate 'other' gender category. But the enumeration process was poorly designed and inconsistently applied. This led to underreporting and misclassification of trans and non-binary persons. The next Census needs to correct this process of insensitivity and invisibilisation. Some may argue that implementing a robust, gender-responsive Census is too resource-intensive. Yet, without it, we risk implementing laws that are still rooted in the status quo. Applied to women's representation, it will replicate existing power structures, with privileged women at the helm. Once the Women's Reservation Act is enacted after a gender-responsive Census, we can monitor: If reserved seats across constituencies reflect the diversity of India's female population; if selection processes by political parties for reserved seats are evidence-backed, instead of being arbitrary; that there is a pipeline from panchayat to Parliament to prevent co-optation by elite women. These mechanisms would ensure that the policy is not tokenistic, and actually represents the women of India. Further, it will help us answer these critical questions: How do we ensure women from the Other Backward Classes are not overlooked in seat allocations? How will political parties be held accountable for fielding women candidates from SC and ST communities – not just in reserved constituencies, but also in general ones? Gender-disaggregated data would make visible those who are routinely ignored. And visibility matters because it seeds awareness, enables activism, and builds political pressure. A Census that fails to see women in all their lived realities is incomplete and unjust. The Census is a political mirror. But without gender-responsive tools, it offers only a distorted reflection. Every person counts in a representative democracy, and every woman must be counted where it matters most: In our legislatures, policies, and collective future. Because women are not just half the population — we are half the potential. And it's high time India sees us that way. The writer is the founder of Femme First Foundation and the lead author of The Fifteen: The Lives and Times of the Women in India's Constituent Assembly
