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The Diplomat
10-07-2025
- Business
- The Diplomat
How NATO's Post-WWII Defense Spending Can Inform Asia's Strategic Shift
President Donald Trump and Defesne Secretary Pete Hegseth participate in a press conference, Wednesday, June 25, 2025, during the 2025 NATO Summit at the World Forum in The Hague, Netherlands. In 2025, the U.S. urged key Asian allies, including South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan, to significantly increase their defense budgets to 5 percent of GDP. This request mirrors a historical parallel to the 1950s, when the U.S. pressured NATO countries to raise defense spending in response to Soviet threats. Today, the geopolitical landscape is similarly shaped by the rise of China and the ongoing North Korean challenge, creating comparable strategic imperatives for U.S. allies in Asia. Drawing from NATO's early Cold War defense strategy, this article explores the lessons from NATO's post-WWII experience and offers specific policy recommendations for South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan as they navigate contemporary defense spending debates in the context of shifting global security dynamics. NATO's Defense Spending After WWII: A Post-War Strategic Shift The aftermath of World War II left Europe economically and militarily devastated. The U.S. sought to rebuild Europe as a stable region capable of countering the growing Soviet threat. One key aspect of this strategy was encouraging European countries to take on more responsibility for their own defense rather than relying entirely on U.S. military support. The creation of NATO in 1949 was a critical step in this process, aiming to establish a collective security framework to counter Soviet expansion in Europe. By the early 1950s, NATO's defense strategy faced a critical issue: the U.S. could not bear the full cost of defending Europe alone. It needed its European allies to increase their defense spending to ensure NATO could effectively counter Soviet threats. At the same time, many European economies were still recovering from the devastation of war, and political resistance to military spending was strong. Countries like France, Italy, and West Germany had low defense budgets, partly due to their war-torn economies, though West Germany's recovery began to accelerate in the mid-1950s under U.S. guidance. Even the U.K., with its well-established military, faced significant post-war financial constraints. Despite substantial U.S. financial aid, including the Marshall Plan, NATO countries hesitated to increase defense spending significantly, fearing it would impede their economic recovery. In response, the U.S. pushed NATO allies to allocate more of their GDP to defense and modernize their military forces, but the response was uneven. Countries like France and Italy struggled with fragmented military infrastructure, and the costs of modernization — particularly in radar technologies and strengthening conventional forces — further complicated the situation. In the mid-1950s, under U.S. pressure, NATO saw gradual increases in defense spending, though the response varied among members. This shift was exemplified by the establishment of NATO's Integrated Military Command and the role of the Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR), which helped streamline NATO's defense planning and coordination. By the mid-1950s, NATO countries increasingly recognized the necessity of strengthening their military capabilities to address the growing Soviet threat, and defense spending began to align more closely with Cold War requirements, though progress was uneven. Lessons from NATO's Early Cold War Experience The U.S. push for NATO countries to raise defense spending in the 1950s offers valuable lessons for today's U.S. allies in East Asia, particularly South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan. While the geopolitical dynamics have evolved, the challenges NATO faced during the early Cold War are remarkably similar to those faced by these Asian countries today. In the 1950s, NATO countries struggled with inefficiencies in their defense spending. Many countries allocated funds to outdated or redundant systems that failed to address the evolving Soviet threat. For example, the U.K., which had already developed its own nuclear capabilities by the early 1950s, continued to focus on conventional forces for a period, before transitioning to modernizing its nuclear deterrence strategy. Similarly, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan must ensure that any increase in their defense budgets focuses on modernizing military capabilities rather than expanding traditional spending. South Korea, for example, should focus on prioritizing investments in anti-ballistic missile capabilities, such as the AIM-174B, along with its own indigenous missile defense systems to address North Korea's escalating missile threats. Japan should focus on enhancing its cyber defense capabilities and expanding its counter-strike capabilities to target North Korean missile and military assets, addressing growing missile and nuclear threats from North Korea. Meanwhile, Taiwan should continue to develop its asymmetric warfare strategies, such as anti-ship missiles and advanced air defense systems, to bolster its deterrence capabilities against China's growing military expansion. Emphasizing capabilities that allow Taiwan to deny China's power projection remains central to Taiwan's defense strategy. In addition, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan must prioritize investments in emerging technologies such as cyber defense and artificial intelligence-driven systems. These technologies are crucial for countering the evolving threats posed by North Korea and China, and should be integrated into their long-term defense modernization strategies. The Burden-Sharing Challenge In the early Cold War, NATO struggled with burden-sharing as the U.S. was the primary defense provider, and European countries were slow to increase their defense budgets. In the 1950s, NATO members faced challenges in meeting defense spending targets, especially as many countries were still recovering from WWII. The NATO Lisbon Conference (1952) was significant in setting the framework for defense planning and establishing guidelines for burden-sharing within the alliance. However, countries like France and Italy only gradually met defense spending targets over time. South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan face a similar challenge today, with the U.S. remaining the key security provider in East Asia, but increasingly pushing its allies to take more responsibility for their own defense. South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan should gradually increase their defense spending, with clear milestones and timelines. For example, informal cooperation between the U.S., South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan should focus on shared missile defense initiatives, including intelligence sharing, research and development of high-tech anti-ballistic missile systems, and joint military exercises. Increases in defense spending should be tied to operational goals, such as upgrading missile defense infrastructure and developing shared military capabilities in the Indo-Pacific region. Navigating Domestic Resistance to Military Spending One of NATO's challenges in the 1950s was managing domestic resistance to higher defense spending. Many European countries were reluctant to increase military budgets while still recovering from WWII. Similarly, Japan, with its pacifist constitution, and South Korea, focused on economic priorities, must navigate public sentiment carefully when it comes to defense spending. To address these challenges, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan should invest in public diplomacy campaigns that frame defense spending as essential for national security. Japan, for example, could highlight its role in regional security within the Indo-Pacific, positioning defense spending as a necessary measure against China's maritime expansion. South Korea could emphasize its increased defense spending as a direct response to North Korea's missile provocations, reassuring its citizens of its defensive intent. Taiwan, due to its unique geopolitical position, should stress its critical role in maintaining regional stability and its need to bolster defense capabilities to counter China's growing military power, while safeguarding its right to self-defense. Enhancing Defense Interoperability In the early Cold War, NATO's fragmented military infrastructure made defense planning difficult. The U.S. played a central role in coordinating NATO's defense strategies, helping NATO members work together. Similarly, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan must ensure their military infrastructure is modernized and aligned with regional security priorities. NATO's experience shows the value of joint military exercises and interoperability between forces. By the mid-1950s, NATO had developed joint operations protocols, enhancing coordination and making NATO forces operate more effectively together. South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan should prioritize joint military exercises and interoperability training to ensure that their forces can act together effectively in defense of regional stability. While Taiwan's formal integration into a regional missile defense system would present significant diplomatic and geopolitical challenges due to its unique international status, informal cooperation and information-sharing among the U.S., South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan can still contribute to a coordinated response to North Korea's missile threats and China's growing military capabilities. Additionally, investing in shared intelligence capabilities and cyber defense systems will improve interoperability and collective defense readiness. Policy Recommendations for South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan Drawing from the lessons of NATO's early Cold War experience, several policy recommendations can assist South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan in effectively increasing their defense spending while addressing modern geopolitical challenges. Rather than simply increasing defense budgets, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan should focus on modernizing their military forces to meet the 21st-century strategic challenges posed by North Korea and China. South Korea, for instance, should accelerate the enhancement of its missile defense capabilities and increase its procurement of small diameter bombs (SDB I & II), which are highly effective in targeting North Korean transporter erector launchers (TELs). Japan should prioritize investments in advanced missile defense systems, such as Aegis-equipped destroyers and the upcoming Aegis system-equipped vessels (ASEV), to enhance its ballistic missile defense capabilities. Additionally, strengthening cyber defense capabilities through initiatives like the Japan Self-Defense Forces' Cyber Defense Group and collaborating with the National Center of Incident Readiness and Strategy for Cybersecurity (NISC) is crucial to protect against emerging cyber threats. Enhancing maritime defense assets, including submarines, aircraft, and other naval platforms, will ensure Japan's readiness to counter regional threats effectively. Taiwan, facing an increasing military threat from China, should continue developing anti-ship capabilities like the Hsiung Feng III missiles, while strengthening its asymmetric warfare strategy. This includes enhancing air defense systems, such as the Tien Kung (Sky Bow) systems, to better counter China's growing naval and missile capabilities. To address the growing defense burden, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan must collaborate closely with the U.S. to share the financial burden of defense spending and enhance their collective strategic capabilities. While formal quadrilateral defense agreements may be challenging due to Taiwan's unique geopolitical status, informal collaboration between the U.S., South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan — particularly in areas like missile defense, intelligence sharing, and maritime security — can still enhance regional security. This cooperation should emphasize shared missile defense initiatives, leveraging Taiwan's technological advancements, intelligence sharing, and maritime security efforts that can enhance the collective defense capabilities of the region. Building strong domestic support for increased defense spending is critical to avoid the political challenges NATO faced in the 1950s. Public education campaigns should highlight the necessity of defense spending in the face of growing regional threats, particularly from North Korea and China. In Japan, these campaigns could emphasize Japan's role in regional collective security, while South Korea could frame its defense spending as a direct response to North Korea's missile provocations, ensuring the public understands its defensive purpose. Finally, to enhance defense capabilities and ensure seamless coordination, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan must prioritize enhancing their defense interoperability. This can be achieved by investing in joint military exercises and interoperability training, particularly in critical areas like missile defense and cyber defense. Furthermore, creating regional defense task forces focused on common threats—such as North Korea's missile program and China's expanding maritime power—will improve strategic effectiveness and readiness, ensuring that the countries can respond efficiently to shared security challenges. Moving Forward: Strengthening Defense Posture in East Asia The U.S. push for increased defense spending from its Asian allies mirrors the Cold War-era experience of NATO, where U.S. pressure led to gradual but necessary increases in defense capabilities. By focusing on strategic modernization, burden-sharing, and public engagement, South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan — each with their unique challenges — can effectively navigate the defense spending debate. Ensuring that their defense budgets are strategically aligned and sustainable will be crucial to strengthening their collective defense posture in an increasingly complex geopolitical environment. By drawing from NATO's early Cold War experiences, these countries can better navigate the challenges of modern security dynamics.
Ya Biladi
30-06-2025
- Politics
- Ya Biladi
232 researchers urge ISA to rethink Israeli participation at Rabat World Forum
A group of 232 researchers from Morocco and other countries have launched a petition urging the International Sociological Association (ISA) to reconsider the participation of Israeli speakers at the fifth World Forum, scheduled for July 6–11, at Mohammed V University in Rabat. Released on Monday, the petition threatens a boycott if the planned Israeli presentations proceed. This initiative follows the ISA's decision to suspend the membership of the Israeli Sociological Society (ISS). Speaking to Yabiladi, a coordinator of the campaign in Morocco explained that «the suspension does not automatically cancel the interventions, especially since not all participants are ISS members, and membership is not the main criterion for selecting Forum presentations». In their appeal, the 232 signatories highlight a «deep contradiction in this forum, which adopts 'Knowing Justice in the Anthropocene Era' as its main theme while hosting presentations that appear to whitewash ongoing crimes of extermination [in Palestine, ed.] by promoting narratives at odds with facts, international reports, and rulings concerning the crimes of the Zionist entity». Furthermore, the researchers declare their boycott «due to the participation of Zionist institutions involved, directly or indirectly, in the ongoing war of extermination against Gaza, and the programming of presentations whose summaries seem to promote colonial narratives». The petition echoes recent calls by the Palestinian (PACBI) and Moroccan (MACBI) campaigns for the academic and cultural boycott of Israel. The signatories accuse the ISA of violating «ethical and scientific standards by putting 'the oppressor and the oppressed' on the same platform». «We call on academic institutions, especially faculty and students, to remain vigilant and condemn any normalization efforts that may infiltrate Moroccan university lecture halls, which have historically denounced and resisted the Zionist entity's historical crimes», they added. A Divided Stance Within the ISA Also interviewed by Yabiladi, the ISA clarified its June 29, 2025 decision stating that, «in its public stance against the genocide of Palestinians in Gaza, the Association maintains no institutional ties with Israeli public institutions». It added, «We regret that the Israeli Sociological Society has not taken a clear stand condemning the dire situation in Gaza. Reflecting the extreme seriousness of the current crisis, the Executive Committee decided to suspend ISS's collective membership». However, the ISA justifies Israeli researchers' participation in the forum on the basis of «academic freedom». In a statement released on June 26, the association affirmed respect for «civil society's right to express dissent and call for boycotts». «Nonetheless, the ISA remains committed to its core mission: to provide a platform where sociologists—regardless of nationality, institutional affiliation, or political views—can engage in open, critical dialogue». Since October 7, 2023, the Gaza Strip has been the scene of what many call genocide. At the upcoming forum, one presentation involves three researchers affiliated with Israeli universities, one of whom labels Hamas a «terrorist organization» and references the «displacement» of Israelis following Hezbollah attacks. In response, the BDS Morocco movement, through MACBI, reminded that «in 2024, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled that the Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank is illegal and constitutes apartheid». MACBI further emphasizes that «UN human rights experts have called for ending academic ties that support the illegal Israeli occupation and apartheid regime in the Palestinian territories, including East Jerusalem». Last week, the secretariat of the progressive wing of professors and researchers within the National Higher Education Union (SNE-Sup) also expressed «deep concern about the implications» of ISA's announcement to allow Israeli researchers to participate.
Morocco World
29-06-2025
- Business
- Morocco World
Morocco, Ukraine Forge New Transport Partnership at Istanbul Summit
Tangier — Morocco and Ukraine struck a deal on Saturday to boost trade through improved road transport links. Although separated by thousands of kilometers, the two countries found common ground in Istanbul. The signing of the newfound partnership took place during the World Forum on Transport Connectivity, where officials from both countries met to discuss expanding economic ties. Morocco's Transport and Logistics Minister Abdessamad Kayouh and Ukraine's Deputy Minister Serhiy Derkach finalized the agreement following bilateral talks. The deal opens new possibilities for businesses in both nations, allowing Ukrainian freight companies direct access to Moroccan markets. Meanwhile and through the agreement, Moroccan transport firms can now route shipments through Europe to reach Ukraine. The cooperation agreement creates fresh trade corridors that bypass traditional routes between the two countries. 'We see this as just the beginning,' Kayouh told Morocco's official news agency MAP, explaining, 'our teams are already exploring ways to expand this cooperation into other areas.' For Ukraine, the timing proves especially significant as the country has prioritized rebuilding its transport and logistics networks, making international partnerships crucial for economic recovery. Derkach pointed out how new transport routes will stimulate Ukraine's economy by facilitating smoother commercial exchanges. 'This cooperation benefits both sides equally,' the Ukrainian official said, thanking Morocco for its commitment to the partnership. The agreement represents one outcome of Morocco's active participation in the three-day Istanbul forum, which runs through Sunday. Morocco sent a high-ranking delegation, including Ambassador Mohamed Ali Lazrak and top transport sector officials. The World Forum brings together government ministers, international organization representatives, financial institution leaders, and private sector experts. Turkiye's Ministry of Transport and Infrastructure hosts the event with World Bank backing, focusing on how countries can develop and improve international transport networks. Tags: Morocco and Ukrainetransport sector
Time of India
26-06-2025
- Entertainment
- Time of India
Meet Queen Máxima, the royal who mocked Trump and broke the internet
A moment of unexpected mimicry by Queen Máxima of the Netherlands has gone viral, stealing attention from even the world's most powerful leaders at the recent NATO summit in The Hague. As world leaders gathered at the World Forum—marking the first time the Netherlands hosted a NATO summit—it wasn't just diplomacy making headlines. It was Queen Máxima's subtle (but unmistakable) impersonation of former U.S. President Donald Trump that sent social media into a frenzy. The Royal Roast? by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Elegant New Scooters For Seniors In 2024: The Prices May Surprise You Mobility Scooter | Search Ads Learn More Undo In a widely circulated video clip, Queen Máxima appears to mimic Trump's expression just seconds after a brief on-camera exchange between him, her husband King Willem-Alexander, and herself. As the King welcomed Trump and asked about his stay at the Dutch royal residence, Huis Ten Bosch, Trump responded: 'It was great, the house is...' before trailing off and posing for the camera. Then came the viral moment: Queen Máxima glanced into the lens and pulled a near-perfect imitation of Trump's facial expression—a move that viewers instantly interpreted as mockery. Live Events The internet erupted after the viral video surfaced. 'She let her intrusive thoughts win, and I respect her for it,' one user joked. Another quipped, 'I'm on Season 7 of this video.' Others compared the moment to something straight out of The Office. While most users were charmed by the queen's spontaneous shade, a few critics called it unroyal and 'rude.' Still, the overwhelming majority were delighted to see a candid moment break through the formality of international diplomacy. Who Is Queen Máxima? Born Máxima Zorreguieta in Buenos Aires in 1971, the Argentine-born royal became Queen of the Netherlands in 2013 after marrying King Willem-Alexander. But Queen Máxima is more than a ceremonial figurehead. A former investment banker and fluent speaker of multiple languages, she's known for championing financial inclusion and women's empowerment. Often described as warm, relatable, and fiercely intelligent, Queen Máxima is admired both in the Netherlands and globally. She has worked with the UN on inclusive finance initiatives and consistently ranks as one of the world's most influential royals.
Time of India
26-06-2025
- Entertainment
- Time of India
Who is Queen Máxima? Inside the royal roast and takedown of Donald Trump
A majestic mimicking is grabbing all the attention on the internet – and a queen is behind the masterstroke! Queen Máxima of the Netherlands stole the limelight with her striking lime-green ensemble at the recent NATO summit, where all the world leaders gathered. The queen and her husband, King Willem-Alexander, welcomed world leaders from 32 countries at The Hague's World Forum. Notably, this was the first time the Netherlands played host to a NATO summit. While the NATO summit drew attention, Queen Máxima earned a few laughs and stole the internet's heart in her own right! Read on to know more. The majestic mimicry! For a clip shared on social media, Queen Máxima has been accused of mocking US President Donald Trump on live TV. In the video that was filmed in the Netherlands, where Trump spent less than 24 hours for the NATO summit, the US president was seen standing next to the Queen and her husband, King Willem-Alexander. Now, during his time in the Netherlands for the NATO summit, Trump stayed at the Dutch royal palace Huis Ten Bosch instead of a luxury hotel and the trio's conversation seemed to centre around his stay at the said establishment. While the King spoke to Trump, telling him, 'Well I hope you slept well,' the US President responded, 'It was great, the house is… [inaudible]', before he broke off to smile for the camera. But the interesting bit comes right after that! A split second later, Queen Máxima, who was standing right next to Trump, turned to the camera, and she appeared to imitate Trump's meme-worthy expression! The clipping, now going viral on social media, has already garnered millions of views with major laughs from netizens. While most of them are literally requesting the Queen to 'do it again,' some of them came out accusing the Dutch queen as rude. The laughter riot! As the video went viral on social media, one internet user jokingly said, 'She did let her intrusive thoughts in, and I can appreciate her for it,' while another chimed in, 'It's the way she really leaned in to study it then mocked it.' A third user put forth their request, saying, 'Now why would she look into the camera like that? Do it again lol' with a fourth one, commenting, 'I'm on Season 7 of this video!' Someone else even mentioned that it resembled a deleted scene from the workplace comedy The Office. Who Is Queen Máxima? Born Máxima Zorreguieta in 1971 in Buenos Aires, Argentina, Máxima became Queen of the Netherlands in 2013 when she married King Willem‑Alexander. But don't let royal titles fool you – this former Wall Street banker and multilingual powerhouse is more than any stereotypical monarch. She's known for her advocacy of financial inclusion, women's empowerment, and her contagious warmth. Think of her as the Beyoncé of central banking – effortlessly graceful with a killer smile, yet fiercely intelligent. The Dutch queen is widely regarded as a royal who is actually doing meaningful work: promoting microfinance, pushing the gender-equality envelope. Donald Trump meets Queen Elizabeth II, thousands register their protest with 'Trump baby'
