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NDTV
2 days ago
- Politics
- NDTV
Russia Using Kidnapped Ukrainian Children As Soldiers: Top Zelensky Aide
Ukraine has accused Russia of abducting Ukrainian children during its ongoing invasion and forcing them into military service once they turn 18, sending them to fight against their own people. Kyiv says the disturbing practice is part of a coordinated, state-driven plan approved by Russian President Vladimir Putin. Andriy Yermak, chief of staff to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, said Ukrainian forces were now encountering these young men on the frontlines, according to a report in The New York Post. Many were taken as minors and subjected to years of ideological indoctrination and military training in occupied territories, Mr Yermak said. One such case is that of 19-year-old Vlad Rudenko, who shared his ordeal with The Times of London. He recalled being subjected to daily routines that included singing the Russian national anthem, undergoing intense physical drills such as jumping, squatting, running and crawling, along with firearms training. He explained that teenagers were subjected to different levels of training depending on their age. 'The 16- and 17-year-olds were given dummy rifles and the older ones used live ammunition,' he said. Rudenko was reportedly just 16 when Russian forces picked him at gunpoint during their occupation of Kherson in October 2022. He was taken to Crimea, where he spent three years in a re-education facility. Eventually, with help from his mother, he escaped and made his way back across the frontlines. Mr Yermak condemned the actions as part of a broader campaign by Moscow, calling it the work of a 'terroristic regime.' According to him, the scheme serves a dual purpose: to replenish Russia's dwindling military ranks and to psychologically devastate Ukrainian troops by forcing them to fight against their own kin. 'The Russians want to destroy the new generation of the Ukrainians, and they are building new soldiers against the country where they were born. It is terrible,' Mr Yermak said. 'Putin's goal is [that] he doesn't want Ukraine to exist.' The scale of the operation has drawn international scrutiny. The Yale Humanitarian Research Lab, which has partnered with Kyiv to trace missing Ukrainian children, has documented dozens of Russian-run indoctrination camps, reported The New York Post. In these camps, children are immersed in Russian culture, forbidden from speaking Ukrainian, and shaped into what the Kremlin calls 'ideal citizens.' Some have been paraded on Russian state television, including a Mariupol boy reportedly adopted by Maria Lvova-Belova, Russia's commissioner for children's rights. The International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant for President Putin in 2023, citing child abductions as a central charge. The Kremlin has denied wrongdoing, but human rights groups continue to raise alarm over the long-term consequences of such forced conscription.
Winnipeg Free Press
23-06-2025
- Politics
- Winnipeg Free Press
Sometimes we're left with the power of words
Opinion I'm not a head of state. I'm not a general. I'm not a billionaire. I'm a writer. And in times like these, that is both a burden and a responsibility. The world is on fire — again. Israel and Iran are locked in a war that has already killed hundreds, including civilians, children, and hospital patients. Missiles have struck medical centers. Entire cities are bracing for what comes next. In Gaza, the death toll continues to rise, with over 55,000 Palestinians killed since 2023, according to Gaza's Health Ministry. And still, more than 50 Israeli hostages remain in captivity in Gaza — some confirmed alive, others feared dead — while their families wait in anguish for a world too distracted to remember. In Ukraine, Russia's illegal war of aggression grinds into its fourth year. Russia continues to bomb civilian infrastructure and resist ceasefire proposals. In recent weeks, Kyiv and Kharkiv have seen some of the deadliest strikes since the invasion began. Apartment blocks flattened. Hospitals hit. The United Nations reports that more than 16,000 Ukrainian civilians remain imprisoned inside Russia. At least 19,000 Ukrainian children, in age from four months to 17 years, have been forceably moved in a systematic campaign into Russia, fracturing their connection to Ukrainian language and heritage through 're-education, and even disconnecting children from their Ukrainian identities through adoption,' notes the Yale Humanitarian Research Lab. And still, the bombs fall. Meanwhile, in the United States, the Trump regime has launched what it proudly calls the 'largest mass deportation program in history.' ICE raids have escalated in Democratic-led cities. National Guard units have been deployed to suppress demonstrations. Daily arrest quotas have tripled. People are being detained en masse — not for crimes, but for where they were born. This is not a dystopian novel. This is the news. And yet, I worry we are becoming numb. That we are scrolling past suffering. That we are mistaking fatigue for neutrality. So I write. Because I believe, as James Baldwin said, 'Nothing can be changed until it is faced.' And I believe that facing it begins with naming it. Let's name it. Let's name the fact that the United Nations Human Rights Office has warned of a global collapse in accountability. That civilians are being deliberately targeted. That starvation is being used as a weapon. That executions are on the rise. That civic space is closing in country after country. That the world is not just in crisis — it is in retreat. And as the planet records its hottest year yet, the climate crisis continues to accelerate — fueling floods, fires, and famine — while the world's largest banks pour billions more into fossil fuels. Let's name the fact that economic injustice is not a side issue. It is the soil from which every cruelty grows. The richest one per cent now control almost half of global wealth. The poorest 50 per cent own just over one per cent. This isn't just inequality — it's economic apartheid. And when people lose faith in fairness, they lose faith in democracy. Let's name the fact that authoritarianism doesn't always arrive with tanks. Sometimes it comes wrapped in a flag. Or disguised as policy. Or piped through a social media algorithm. Sometimes it comes with a smile and a slogan. And let's name the fact that silence is not neutral. It's a decision. And it's one that history rarely forgives. Even here in Canada — my home, my hope — we are not immune. We remain a bastion of liberal democracy, of pluralism, of dignity. But we are also a country still reckoning with the legacy of residential schools, with inequality that cuts along racial and economic lines, with disinformation and political polarization. Our democracy is not unshakeable. It survives only because people believe in it. And act to protect it. I take comfort — and courage — from those who came before me. From Émile Zola, who risked everything to write J'Accuse! when France betrayed justice. From Anne Frank, who believed in goodness even as the world collapsed outside her hiding place. From Margaret Atwood, who reminds us that dystopias are not predictions — they are warnings. From Salman Rushdie, who nearly died for his words, and still refuses to stop writing. These writers didn't just describe the world. They challenged it. They didn't just bear witness. They bore consequence. And so must we. I don't pretend that writing alone can stop a war. But I do believe writing can stop forgetting. It can preserve the truth when propaganda poisons the air. It can remind us that history only moves forward when people pick up the pen — and use it. Anne Frank once wrote: 'How wonderful it is that nobody need wait a single moment before starting to improve the world.' She was fifteen. She was hiding. And she was right. So I write. Because I refuse to wait. Because I refuse to forget. Because I refuse to be silent. And if you're reading this, I hope you'll write too. Martin Zeilig is a writer and journalist based in Winnipeg.
Yahoo
27-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Opinion - Will Trump fight to save abducted Ukrainian children, or sacrifice them to Putin?
President Trump faces a clear choice. He can save a staggering number of Ukrainian children — an achievement that may bring him closer to the Nobel Peace Prize he desires. Or he can ignore their plight, sentencing them to a life of brainwashing, subservience to Russia and subjugation, putting them at grave risk of trafficking and exploitation. Trump has stated that peace in Ukraine is one of the top priorities of his foreign policy. And while his aggressive posture toward President Volodymyr Zelensky and his controversial remarks about Ukraine's territory and status in NATO may be perceived as part of a tricky negotiation strategy, the administration's position on investigating and returning abducted Ukrainian children raises profound questions and concerns. In recent weeks, the White House has defunded Yale Humanitarian Research Lab — the only American-based organization investigating the abduction of Ukrainian children on the institutional level. This decision was followed by the suspension of a Europol evidence-sharing process, endangering accountability efforts behind the crime of abduction. This could have been swept under the rug as an oversight in the midst of a major federal reorganization, but days later the administration decided to withdraw from the International Center for the Prosecution of the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine, a group investigating individuals responsible for the invasion of Ukraine, including President Vladimir Putin. It subsequently scaled back the work of the Department of Justice's War Crimes Accountability Team, which provided immense help to Ukrainian authorities on the ground overwhelmed with investigations of more than 122,000 war crimes cases. Congress raised concerns about the possible deletion of the database, which has information about thousands of abducted children. State Department officials eventually denied the allegations, but the questions remain: Is the administration dropping investigations against Russia in preparation for the looming negotiations? Will the evidence of war crimes become a bargaining chip in negotiations with Putin? Is the administration giving up powerful leverage over Putin before the talks begin in earnest, instead of using that leverage in negotiations? Victims of Russia's war crimes are not limited to kidnapped children, of course — they include women who have been assaulted, raped and killed, children who have been sexually abused in front of their parents, and evangelical priests who have been tortured and killed for being 'America's spies.' Will the Trump administration also trade justice for these innocents as part of its haggling with the Kremlin? The White House's recent decisions seem even more controversial given that Trump supporters believe Russia is responsible for the abduction of Ukrainian children and support providing aid for Ukraine upon learning this fact. According to a poll conducted by Razom, 60 percent of Trump voters support aid for Ukraine under certain conditions: this percentage grows to 71 percent upon the respondents learning that Russia has abducted 19,546 children. Most Republicans do not support the president downplaying this issue. Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas), former chairman of the House Foreign Relations Committee, has hosted multiple hearings on Russia's war crimes and has been a staunch defender of abducted children. Republican Sens. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.) and Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) have both co-sponsored a resolution condemning the abduction of Ukrainian children. The House passed the same resolution with a supermajority of 390 votes last year. Secretary of State Marco Rubio made it clear where America stands when it comes to kidnapping children during his G7 speech: 'We're sitting around as the world, sort of accepting that it's normal and OK for you to go into a place, kidnap babies, kidnap teenagers, kidnap people who have nothing to do with any wars, that are not soldiers … it's ridiculous, it's sick, it's disgusting.' In this case, he was referring to Hamas kidnapping Israeli hostages, but his sentiment remains correct — kidnapping people, especially children who have nothing to do with the war, is wrong and should be recognized as such, whether it's Iran-sponsored Hamas or Russia and its proxies. Constituents and Congress both support standing up to Putin on the issue of children — the White House should realize that aligning with them is both good policy and good politics. To date, the Trump administration has yet to draw a single red line drafted in negotiations with Russia. The case of Ukrainian children kidnapped by Russia presents him with an easy one. It is an apolitical and bipartisan issue that unites not only Americans but the whole world. Trump should demand that Putin release his captive kids. Katya Pavelvych is an adviser at Razom for Ukraine. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
27-03-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
Will Trump fight to save abducted Ukrainian children, or sacrifice them to Putin?
President Trump faces a clear choice. He can save a staggering number of Ukrainian children — an achievement that may bring him closer to the Nobel Peace Prize he desires. Or he can ignore their plight, sentencing them to a life of brainwashing, subservience to Russia and subjugation, putting them at grave risk of trafficking and exploitation. Trump has stated that peace in Ukraine is one of the top priorities of his foreign policy. And while his aggressive posture toward President Volodymyr Zelensky and his controversial remarks about Ukraine's territory and status in NATO may be perceived as part of a tricky negotiation strategy, the administration's position on investigating and returning abducted Ukrainian children raises profound questions and concerns. In recent weeks, the White House has defunded Yale Humanitarian Research Lab — the only American-based organization investigating the abduction of Ukrainian children on the institutional level. This decision was followed by the suspension of a Europol evidence-sharing process, endangering accountability efforts behind the crime of abduction. This could have been swept under the rug as an oversight in the midst of a major federal reorganization, but days later the administration decided to withdraw from the International Center for the Prosecution of the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine, a group investigating individuals responsible for the invasion of Ukraine, including President Vladimir Putin. It subsequently scaled back the work of the Department of Justice's War Crimes Accountability Team, which provided immense help to Ukrainian authorities on the ground overwhelmed with investigations of more than 122,000 war crimes cases. Congress raised concerns about the possible deletion of the database, which has information about thousands of abducted children. State Department officials eventually denied the allegations, but the questions remain: Is the administration dropping investigations against Russia in preparation for the looming negotiations? Will the evidence of war crimes become a bargaining chip in negotiations with Putin? Is the administration giving up powerful leverage over Putin before the talks begin in earnest, instead of using that leverage in negotiations? Victims of Russia's war crimes are not limited to kidnapped children, of course — they include women who have been assaulted, raped and killed, children who have been sexually abused in front of their parents, and evangelical priests who have been tortured and killed for being 'America's spies.' Will the Trump administration also trade justice for these innocents as part of its haggling with the Kremlin? The White House's recent decisions seem even more controversial given that Trump supporters believe Russia is responsible for the abduction of Ukrainian children and support providing aid for Ukraine upon learning this fact. According to a poll conducted by Razom, 60 percent of Trump voters support aid for Ukraine under certain conditions: this percentage grows to 71 percent upon the respondents learning that Russia has abducted 19,546 children. Most Republicans do not support the president downplaying this issue. Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas), former chairman of the House Foreign Relations Committee, has hosted multiple hearings on Russia's war crimes and has been a staunch defender of abducted children. Republican Sens. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.) and Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) have both co-sponsored a resolution condemning the abduction of Ukrainian children. The House passed the same resolution with a supermajority of 390 votes last year. Secretary of State Marco Rubio made it clear where America stands when it comes to kidnapping children during his G7 speech: 'We're sitting around as the world, sort of accepting that it's normal and OK for you to go into a place, kidnap babies, kidnap teenagers, kidnap people who have nothing to do with any wars, that are not soldiers … it's ridiculous, it's sick, it's disgusting.' In this case, he was referring to Hamas kidnapping Israeli hostages, but his sentiment remains correct — kidnapping people, especially children who have nothing to do with the war, is wrong and should be recognized as such, whether it's Iran-sponsored Hamas or Russia and its proxies. Constituents and Congress both support standing up to Putin on the issue of children — the White House should realize that aligning with them is both good policy and good politics. To date, the Trump administration has yet to draw a single red line drafted in negotiations with Russia. The case of Ukrainian children kidnapped by Russia presents him with an easy one. It is an apolitical and bipartisan issue that unites not only Americans but the whole world. Trump should demand that Putin release his captive kids.
