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The Mainichi
20-07-2025
- Politics
- The Mainichi
Ex-NHK announcer Ushida projected to win in Japan upper house race
TOKYO -- Mayu Ushida, a former NHK announcer and political newcomer, is projected to win a seat in the Tokyo constituency in the July 20 House of Councillors election. The Democratic Party for the People (DPFP) fielded two candidates in the Tokyo electoral district, where six seats were contested and one vacancy was to be filled. DPFP leader Yuichiro Tamaki and other party executives campaigned vigorously to win the party's first seat in this constituency. Ushida was officially endorsed by the DPFP in April. She admitted at the time, "There were so many things I didn't know about the Public Offices Election Act, and I was at a loss over whom to ask." Despite being an obviously inexperienced candidate, she capitalized on the momentum from the DPFP's success in the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election in June, where the party's seats increased from zero to nine. (Japanese original by Minhyang Hong, Tokyo Bureau, and Makoto Kakizaki, Tokyo City News Department)
Yomiuri Shimbun
19-07-2025
- Politics
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Upper House Election: Political Parties Intensify Debates on Foreign Workers; Some Try to Capitalize on Voters' Economic Discontent
Political parties in Japan are intensifying debates over the acceptance of foreign workers as the issue emerged as a main point of contention for the House of Councillors election on Sunday. In light of the deepening labor shortage in service and other industries, the government and the ruling coalition parties have been promoting the acceptance of foreign workers. However, some opposition parties are making arguments that appear meant to stir up conflict, in an apparent effort to attract voters who are increasingly frustrated over surging prices and a stagnant economy. 'Nothing will come from confrontation and division,' Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, who heads the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, said in a roadside speech in Yokohama on Friday. He apparently meant to counter some opposition parties that are calling for an exclusionary policy on foreigners. In 2019, the government set up a new 'specified skilled worker' residence status, changing the direction of its policy on foreign workers by accepting not only highly skilled workers, such as doctors and lawyers, but also those who engage in simpler labor. According to the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry, there were about 2.3 million foreign workers in the country as of the end of October 2024, accounting for about 3.4% of the overall number of workers. The percentage is not so high compared with figures in European nations, which have large numbers of immigrants. Yet, the number in Japan rose significantly from about 900,000 in 2015. Issues related to foreign nationals appeared on the political agenda after a series of incidents and accidents involving foreigners and cases of nonpayment of social security premiums by foreigners began drawing public attention. In response to criticism that the rules have failed to keep up with the problems, the government established an administrative office to serve as a command center for policies concerning foreign nationals on Tuesday, stressing its stance of taking thorough measures. Even so, it is on the defensive. Under such circumstances, the Democratic Party for the People and Sanseito are trying to win support from voters who find it increasingly difficult to get by due to prolonged high cost of living and other factors by calling for tougher regulations on accepting foreign workers. 'What has to be done first is taking steps to help Japanese young people work more,' said DPFP leader Yuichiro Tamaki in a speech in Tokyo on Friday. '[The government and the ruling parties] got the order wrong by accepting foreign workers simply because workforce is in short supply.' Yet, there are many fields where foreign workers play essential roles, such as jobs at convenience stores and restaurants, which attract few Japanese applicants. Tamaki apparently made the statement in rivalry with Sanseito, which is touting a 'Japanese First' policy. Sanseito leader Sohei Kamiya, who is against excessively accepting foreign nationals, told reporters in Nagoya, 'Appropriate acceptance is required.' In contrast, the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan takes the position that 'unless Japan accepts foreign nationals, it will become difficult for the country to maintain its level of economic strength and social security,' as former Finance Minister Jun Azumi said. In its election pledges, the party calls for enactment of a basic law on a multicultural society. The party is stepping up criticism against the argument made by Sanseito and other parties, calling it 'exclusionism.'
Japan Times
18-07-2025
- Politics
- Japan Times
In Upper House race, younger voters in Tokyo turn to DPP for new direction
A growing drive among younger voters to find an alternative to the traditions of the Liberal Democratic Party is taking center stage in Tokyo ahead of Sunday's Upper House election, where it has 32 candidates in the running for seven seats. One party receiving increased interest amid such a shift is the Democratic Party for the People (DPP), which appears to be drawing in noticeably bigger and younger crowds to their speeches on the streets in the heart of Japan. 'The DPP strongly believes in bringing back a strong Japan — at the same time, we are firmly committed to pursuing policies that shed light on those people who have been dismissed up until now as being on their own,' said the Tokyo district's DPP candidate Mayu Ushida to a crowd in Shibuya Ward on Friday. Although 40-year-old Ushida's youthful energy and public persona as a former NHK announcer is alluring, many in the crowd at her speeches say it's not just about her — they are supporters of what her party stands for and are looking to help the DPP gain more seats in parliament. DPP candidate Mayu Ushida, along with party leader Tamaki Yuichiro, waves to supporters at Shibuya Scramble crossing on Jul. 11. | Yukana Inoue At Ushida's speech held near Shibuya's famous scramble crossing last Friday, she was accompanied by party leader Yuichiro Tamaki, who spent more than three times longer than Ushida talking to passers-by. 'When I say (enrich the working generation), people ask me, 'Are you cutting off the elderly?' — but that's fine,' said Tamaki to an enthusiastic crowd. 'We want to first and foremost offer thorough support to the working generation — all of you who are currently working and young people — because unless we strengthen the power of those who support it, we will ultimately end up reducing pension funds.' The DPP, which runs on the primary campaign promise of increasing take-home pay, resonates with many in Tokyo, where the cost of living is the highest in the country, with supporters highly regarding the party's realistic and seemingly tangible policies. 'Since last year's Lower House election, I was struck by (the DPP's) policies that targeted the current working generation,' said a 23-year-old man, who asked to remain anonymous for privacy reasons, in the crowd in Shibuya. Prior to that, he said he used to support the LDP. '(The DPP's promise of) increasing take-home pay and protecting our own country by ourselves — I really feel that those are necessary (for our future).' With the speech held in Shibuya, an area typically full of younger people, Tamaki strategically addressed college students, emphasizing the DPP's success in raising the tax-free income threshold for dependent children with part-time jobs from ¥1.03 million to ¥1.5 million, following through on its promise during the Lower House election. 'This was something that no one has done for 30 years — no party even paid attention to it — but we fought the election by incorporating the voices from university students in our policy and negotiated with the ruling party, and we were able to raise the amount to ¥1.5 million,' said Tamaki on Friday. 'This is what I mean — it may be a small change, but we create change with specific suggestions.' A 21-year-old college student listening to Ushida, who was accompanied by the DPP secretary-general Kazuya Shimba the previous day in Hamura city, Tokyo, said she became interested in the DPP after taking an online party-matching questionnaire during last year's Lower House election and finding her beliefs aligned closest to it. 'Back then, I didn't really know them, but when I did more research I was surprised to find that there was a party that was doing everything I wanted — since I'm a college student, I really wanted them to raise the tax-free income threshold from ¥1.03 million,' said Sato, who asked to go by her last name. 'Since there are no DPP candidates in the Ibaraki district, I can only vote for the party under the proportional representation,' said Sato, who attends university in Tokyo but resides in Ibaraki Prefecture. In the district, media polls suggest, candidates from the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan and Sanseito are vying for the DPP supporters, but neither interest her. 'I'm from Ibaraki, so cars are an absolute necessity, so I really want them to pay the gasoline tax .' One of the DPP's campaign promises for this election is cutting the tax on gasoline to bring down gas prices — a lifeline for many like Sato. A crowd gathers to hear DPP candidate Mayu Ushida, accompanied by DPP secretary-general Kazuya Shimba, in front of Hamura station on Jul. 10. | Yukana Inoue Elsewhere in Tokyo, another DPP candidate — albeit with less backup — is also attempting to garner votes by vouching for topics relevant to the working generation. 'When I began working after graduating from college, the issue I was confronted with was repaying my scholarship,' said Yoshihiro Okumura in front of Jiyugaoka Station in the capital's Meguro Ward on Friday. At 31, he is one of the youngest candidates in the Tokyo district and spoke on the increasing number of working-generation people struggling to repay student loans, an issue that speaks to many in their 20s to 40s. 'A number of factors have combined to create this situation, including the economic issue that a family's take-home pay is not increasing while college tuition and living expenses are rising,' he said. Aside from the DPP's pocketbook campaign, some constituents straying from the LDP have found a new home in far-right Sanseito , where a singer and candidate who goes by the name Saya has gained mass support running on the party's platform of 'Japanese first,' according to polls by major news agencies. These alternatives in the district stand in jarring contrast to the LDP's Keizo Takemi, who is seeking to be re-elected for a sixth time at 73 years old. The former health minister has taken a contrasting approach to the DPP's grassroots tactics, appealing to seasoned supporters with speeches mainly held indoors with backing by big names including Tokyo Gov. Yuriko Koike, and former prime ministers Fumio Kishida and Taro Aso. However, the district continues to be led by celebrity LDP candidate Daichi Suzuki — a former sports agency chief and Olympic swimmer who won gold for Japan in 1988 — with 30% of LDP supporters surveyed saying they will vote for him and also favored by a portion of voters unaffiliated with a party. Others trail closely behind, including incumbent representatives from the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan Ayaka Shiomura and the Japanese Communist Party's Yoshiko Kira, as well as Komeito's newcomer Yudai Kawamura, according to polls. Among voters in their 30s, Ushida is receiving the most support, and is favored by 40% of DPP supporters. Early voting for the Upper House election began on July 4.
Japan Forward
17-07-2025
- Business
- Japan Forward
Will There Be an Election Shake-Up? DPP and Sanseito Challenge LDP Grip
In a July 2 debate ahead of the July 20 Upper House election, leaders of Japan's major parties sparred over economic policy, energy and nuclear power, defense, and constitutional reform. It introduced the parties and set the stage for a more policy-oriented July 6 debate. On July 6, a Niconico-hosted online debate brought together leaders from the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and Komeito, along with key opposition parties. Sharp contrasts emerged, particularly between establishment parties and challengers like the Democratic Party for the People (DPP) and the rising Sanseito, on the major issues defining this election. In fall 2024, the LDP-Komeito coalition lost its majority in the Lower House Election. Polls suggest the coalition may now fall short of a majority in the 248-seat chamber. Meanwhile, challengers like the DPP and Sanseito are positioning themselves as serious contenders. Economic policy dominated the early part of the debate, with each leader outlining plans to spur growth and protect livelihoods. LDP leader and Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba argued that his government's policies have begun to deliver results. He cited a "5.25% wage increase, the highest on record, and ¥107 trillion JPY ($660 billion USD) in private investment, also a record." Ishiba vowed to shift Japan away from a cost-cutting economic model toward one centered on value creation and sustained growth. His vision is for an economy driven by higher wages and increased corporate investment. He set a bold target to "achieve a ¥1,000 trillion ($6.45 trillion) GDP" in the near future. Opposition parties, however, pressed for bolder measures to directly ease the burden on consumers. Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP) leader Yoshihiko Noda called for tackling wage stagnation. He suggested converting more non-regular workers to regular employment and cutting employers' social insurance costs to enable pay raises. Meanwhile, Yuichiro Tamaki of the DPP unveiled what he called a "new three-arrow strategy" to revitalize growth. Tamaki's plan focuses on boosting take-home pay, tripling private investment, and doubling budgets for education and science. By raising income tax deductions to put more money in consumers' pockets and aggressively incentivizing corporate investment, Tamaki also pledged to achieve a ¥1,000 trillion GDP within 10 years. "Hand in hand with that," he added, "we'll issue an 'education bond' to ramp up R&D and innovation, investing in people and technology to drive Japan's future." DPP leader Yuichiro Tamaki delivers a street speech in front of JR Akihabara Station. July 13, Chiyoda Ward, Tokyo (©Sankei by Katsuyuki Seki) Newcomer Sanseito, running on a populist "Japan First" platform, has struck a chord with voters hit by rising prices. Sanseito leader Sohei Kamiya argued for sweeping tax and social security relief. "Our policy is first and foremost tax cuts," he said, proposing to cap the total burden of taxes (including income taxes) plus social insurance at 35% of income. Under this plan, any excess burden would trigger automatic reductions, a bold promise to ensure "people keep two-thirds of what they earn." Kamitani also called for the government to spend robustly on public works, agriculture, and local government services to revitalize regional economies. The result is unprecedented support for both Sanseito and the DPP. Polling suggests the DPP could triple its pre-election seat count (formerly four). Sanseito's surge could net it double-digit seats in the upper house for the first time. Meanwhile, smaller parties on the left flank advocate more radical economic fixes but remain on the margins. Taro Yamamoto of Reiwa Shinsengumi continued to demand the outright abolition of the consumption tax to spur spending, combined with expanded cash handouts. The Japanese Communist Party's (JCP) Tomoko Tamura likewise called for an immediate cut of the consumption tax to 5% and taxing corporate internal reserves. She argued that "the engine of the economy is household consumption" and more wealth must be redistributed to struggling families. Energy policy emerged as a flashpoint, revealing a clear divide between pro-nuclear camps and anti-nuclear holdouts. Prime Minister Ishiba stressed the importance of bolstering energy self-sufficiency. He even suggested Japan "carry out new construction and expansion of domestic nuclear plants." This, he argued, would reduce overreliance on imported fossil fuels. Notably, the DPP largely aligns with the LDP on nuclear energy. Tamaki's party supports the early restart of safe reactors. It also advocates building new advanced nuclear plants, seeing them as vital for energy security and climate goals The DPP calls for streamlining regulatory reviews to avoid unnecessary delays. Additionally, the DPP proposes steps to have Japan's Self-Defense Forces ready to help protect nuclear facilities. Sanseito goes a step further, bluntly rejecting what it calls "excessive carbon-neutral policies." Kamiya argued that Japan should "stop pushing renewables at the expense of reliability" and instead invest in next-generation small modular reactors and even nuclear fusion research. Sanseito leader Sohei Kamiya speaks to the press. July 3, Chuo Ward, Tokyo (©Sankei by Shinpei Okuhara) Sanseito's platform calls for withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, calling for a pivot back to dependable energy sources. The party is skeptical about the current climate policy that undermines Japan's energy independence. "We'll end the 'carbon zero' dogma," Kamitani said. In stark contrast, the left-leaning opposition maintains a staunch anti-nuclear stance, though it appears increasingly out of step. The CDP advocates phasing out nuclear power by 2050 and promises "no new reactors," emphasizing renewables and efficiency instead. Even this, however, is a moderation from the CDP's earlier posture. Its 2025 manifesto notably toned down language about immediately shutting all reactors. Both the JCP and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) remain uncompromising. They call for immediate nuclear abolition and a 100% renewable energy society. SDP leader Mizuho Fukushima, for example, used the slogan "Rice before missiles" to link her anti-nuclear, pro-peace message with protecting ordinary people's livelihoods. Furthermore, both parties also oppose the planned release of treated Fukushima plant water into the ocean. However, with power supply jitters and climate goals in play, the anti-nuclear camp's message finds diminishing traction. Even Komeito, the LDP's junior partner, which has been historically cautious about nuclear energy, has shifted. It deleted prior language from its manifesto about aiming to phase out nuclear, now endorsing the development of new reactors. Debate over national defense and constitutional reform revealed a notable realignment in Japanese politics. Across the spectrum, from the LDP to the DPP, Nippon Ishin no Kai, and Sanseito, there is growing consensus on bolstering Japan's defense amid regional threats. Ishiba, a longtime security hawk, has made clear his determination to boost defense spending and update Japan's postwar pacifist Constitution. He argues that Japan can no longer afford ambivalence about its Self-Defense Forces. "If we avert our eyes from constitutional debate, we let the very foundation of the nation tremble," Ishiba said, voicing support for finally revising the war-renouncing Article 9 to formally recognize the SDF. "This election is a good chance to have that discussion," he added. Strikingly, key opposition figures echoed the call for a stronger defense and even constitutional change. Hirofumi Yoshimura of Ishin no Kai asserted that reinforcing Japan's defenses is "absolutely necessary." He noted that "China spends four to five times what Japan does on defense" and pointed out that North Korea possesses nuclear weapons. Yoshimura also argued that "Our neighbors China, Russia, North Korea pose a very real threat – this is the reality." Furthermore, he bluntly declared, "Constitutional Article 9 must be amended" so Japan can protect itself. Even the traditionally cautious DPP is on board with a more robust self-defense posture. "Our principle is that our nation must be defended by our own hands," Tamaki emphasized during the debate. He voiced support for the recent defense budget increases, but cautioned that "just using tax money to buy finished weapons from the United States won't truly boost our self-defense capability." Instead, Tamaki insisted, Japan should invest in its domestic defense industry and advanced technologies (like cyber defense) so that the country can independently sustain its security. The DPP has prided itself on a "realistic security" stance, backing stronger defense measures and even proposing legislation (which passed) to enable more active cyber defense. Tamaki's comments underscored that stance, as he noted his party helped initiate an Active Cyber Defense law, though "we need to train far more experts to implement it." On the other side of this issue stand the JCP and SDP, whose pacifist views are increasingly isolated. Tamura dismissed the ruling party's military buildup plans as dangerous, arguing that "stockpiling missiles to attack other countries – is that what we call defense? If we get into a missiles-versus-missiles race, how can peace ever come out of that?" she challenged. "The most realistic security policy," she claimed, "is making sure disputes never turn into war, through diplomacy, nothing else." Japanese Communist Party Chair Tomoko Tamura delivers her first campaign speech in front of JR Ikebukuro Station. July 3, Toshima Ward, Tokyo (©Sankei by Shunsuke Sakamaki) SDP's Fukushima likewise urged a diplomacy-first approach. She warned Japan against "joining America's wars," invoking the pacifist ideals of the postwar Constitution. Yet, even many voters who once hewed to pacifism are reconsidering in light of aggressive moves by China and North Korea. The fringe parties' refrain of absolute pacifism – "protect Article 9 peace at all costs" – has a dwindling audience. As one example, polls indicate the JCP is fighting merely to hold onto around five seats in this election, hardly a sign of surging support for its message. Meanwhile, the once-mainstream CDP has failed to gain ground. Despite attacking the LDP on inflation and pensions, polls suggest it will hold steady at around 22 seats, with no significant gains. Its urban liberal base appears fragmented or apathetic. The real competition in 2025 is no longer between the LDP and the largest opposition party, but from newer forces reshaping Japan's political map. Some polls now suggest the LDP-Komeito coalition could lose its upper house majority, a scenario once unthinkable. Prime Minister Ishiba has set a target of 50 seats (including coalition partners) to hold control. Many observers believe this will not happen. Whether voters stick with the status quo or decide to give others a chance may define the next chapter of Japanese politics. Author: Daniel Manning
Asahi Shimbun
03-07-2025
- Business
- Asahi Shimbun
DPP softens election wording seen as hostile to foreigners
Yuichiro Tamaki, leader of the Democratic Party for the People, at a news conference on July 2 (Yuki Minami) The Democratic Party for the People modified language in its Upper House election manifesto that was criticized as xenophobic by voices both inside and outside the party. A campaign pledge pamphlet released on June 17 contains a message by DPP leader Yuichiro Tamaki that said in part, 'We will spend taxes paid by Japanese people on policies for Japanese people by reviewing excessive preferential treatment for foreigners.' The document has also been published on the DPP website. In a version available on July 2, the latter part of the sentence read: 'by promoting appropriate implementation of systems applied to foreigners.' The DPP has not publicly announced the change. However, a senior party official said the DPP has responded based on opinions it received from voters during street speeches and other events. A young party member said the initial wording was 'too blunt,' speculating that the DPP leadership is desperate to keep Sanseito, a rising political party that advocates a 'Japanese-first policy,' from poaching conservative voters. At a news conference on July 2, Tamaki announced an additional public pledge for the July 20 Upper House election taking aim at foreign real-estate investors. He said home prices have soared in urban centers due partly to purchases by overseas investors for non-residential, speculative purposes and proposed a 'vacancy tax' to curb such property acquisitions. Meanwhile, Tamaki has apparently done a flip-flop on a proposed consumption tax cut, a key plank of his party's campaign pledges. The DPP has called for lowering the consumption tax rate to 5 percent until real wages rise in a sustained manner. In an interview with The Asahi Shimbun and other media outlets on July 1, Tamaki said substantial wage increases this year do not entail a consumption tax cut as an economic stimulus. He added that he will decide on the issue based on U.S. President Donald Trump's tariff policies, which could adversely affect vehicle sales and the automotive industry. However, Tamaki said a consumption tax reduction is definitely necessary at the news conference the following day, immediately after Trump cast doubts on a successful conclusion of negotiations with Japan over U.S. tariffs. (This article was written by Ryutaro Abe and Yuki Minami.)
