Latest news with #ZAPU
eNCA
02-07-2025
- Politics
- eNCA
Zimbabwe party loses bid to block Mugabe-era massacre hearings
HARARE - A Zimbabwean court rejected Tuesday a bid by an opposition party to block government-called hearings into a 1980s massacre of thousands of people by elite troops during former president Robert Mugabe's long and repressive rule. The court challenge to call off the process was led by a son of the late Joshua Nkomo, Mugabe's bitter rival during the Rhodesian war of independence when two rival parties -- Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and Nkomo's Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) emerged to challenge the colonial government. Nkomo's supporters were brutally targeted in the so-called Gukurahundi massacre by North Korean-trained soldiers sent by Mugabe to quell a rebellion. The repression included torture and rape. An estimated 20,000 people were killed in Matabeleland, Nkomo's power base and heartland of the Ndebele people. Sibangilizwe Nkomo, a ZAPU leader, said the party rejected the process and wanted dialogue with the ruling ZANU-PF. The hearings were meant to have kicked off last week in villages and led by traditional chiefs. 'We want to stop the process because it cannot be led by the chiefs," Nkomo told reporters outside the court. "As a peace-loving organisation, we will continue seeking dialogue. We want an amicable closure to this thing," he said. "We want justice for the people who were killed ... women who were raped." The high court in Zimbabwe's second city Bulawayo dismissed the bid, saying it was not urgent and could have been filed earlier, the party's counsel Vuyo Mpofu told AFP. "Our argument is that we were giving our attempts at dialogue with the government a chance," he said. President Emmerson Mnangagwa announced the hearings a year ago, apparently in a bid to settle longstanding grievances and tensions over the killings in a region that feels marginalised by Harare and the ethnic Shona majority. They are meant to culminate in a report that could consider financial reparations. - Public beatings, executions - A heavy police presence was deployed outside the courthouse ahead of the ruling, with anti-riot squads and horse-mounted officers on patrol. Mugabe and Nkomo had a fractious relationship during the liberation struggle against white-minority rule. Nkomo came from Zimbabwe's Ndebele minority and Mugabe from the Shona majority. They fell out two years after independence in 1980, when Mugabe fired Nkomo from the coalition government, accusing his party of plotting a coup. Starting in 1983, Mugabe deployed the elite Fifth Brigade soldiers to quash a revolt. They killed an estimated 20,000 people, according to the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe and Amnesty International. It was widely seen as an effort by Mugabe to vanquish Nkomo. The operation was named Gukurahundi, a term in the Shona language that loosely translates as "the early rain that washes away the chaff". Public beatings were followed by mass executions, huts full of terrified villagers were burnt down, crops were destroyed and communities deliberately starved to death. Torture and interrogation at brutal camps was commonplace, with inmates kept in cages filled with blood and faeces of previous victims. Mnangagwa was security minister at the time. Mugabe, who died in 2019, never acknowledged responsibility for the massacres, dismissing evidence gathered by Amnesty International as a "heap of lies".
Eyewitness News
01-07-2025
- Politics
- Eyewitness News
Zimbabwe party loses bid to block Mugabe-era massacre hearings
ZIMBABWE - A Zimbabwean court rejected Tuesday a bid by an opposition party to block government-called hearings into a 1980s massacre of thousands of people by elite troops during former president Robert Mugabe's long and repressive rule. The court challenge to call off the process was led by a son of the late Joshua Nkomo, Mugabe's bitter rival during the Rhodesian war of independence when two rival parties - Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and Nkomo's Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) emerged to challenge the colonial government. Nkomo's supporters were brutally targeted in the so-called Gukurahundi massacre by North Korean-trained soldiers sent by Mugabe to quell a rebellion. The repression included torture and rape. An estimated 20,000 people were killed in Matabeleland, Nkomo's power base and heartland of the Ndebele people. Sibangilizwe Nkomo, a ZAPU leader, said the party rejected the process and wanted dialogue with the ruling ZANU-PF. The hearings were meant to have kicked off last week in villages and led by traditional chiefs. 'We want to stop the process because it cannot be led by the chiefs," Nkomo told reporters outside the court. "As a peace-loving organisation, we will continue seeking dialogue. We want an amicable closure to this thing," he said. "We want justice for the people who were killed ... women who were raped." The high court in Zimbabwe's second city Bulawayo dismissed the bid, saying it was not urgent and could have been filed earlier, the party's counsel Vuyo Mpofu told AFP. "Our argument is that we were giving our attempts at dialogue with the government a chance," he said. President Emmerson Mnangagwa announced the hearings a year ago, apparently in a bid to settle longstanding grievances and tensions over the killings in a region that feels marginalised by Harare and the ethnic Shona majority. They are meant to culminate in a report that could consider financial reparations. PUBLIC BEATINGS, EXECUTIONS A heavy police presence was deployed outside the courthouse ahead of the ruling, with anti-riot squads and horse-mounted officers on patrol. Mugabe and Nkomo had a fractious relationship during the liberation struggle against white-minority rule. Nkomo came from Zimbabwe's Ndebele minority and Mugabe from the Shona majority. They fell out two years after independence in 1980, when Mugabe fired Nkomo from the coalition government, accusing his party of plotting a coup. Starting in 1983, Mugabe deployed the elite Fifth Brigade soldiers to quash a revolt. They killed an estimated 20,000 people, according to the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe and Amnesty International. It was widely seen as an effort by Mugabe to vanquish Nkomo. The operation was named Gukurahundi, a term in the Shona language that loosely translates as "the early rain that washes away the chaff". Public beatings were followed by mass executions, huts full of terrified villagers were burnt down, crops were destroyed and communities deliberately starved to death. Torture and interrogation at brutal camps was commonplace, with inmates kept in cages filled with blood and faeces of previous victims. Mnangagwa was security minister at the time. Mugabe, who died in 2019, never acknowledged responsibility for the massacres, dismissing evidence gathered by Amnesty International as a "heap of lies".
News24
01-07-2025
- Politics
- News24
Zim court dismisses ZAPU's move to block Gukurahundi public hearings
The High Court in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, has dismissed an application by an opposition party seeking to halt the Gukurahundi massacres public hearing. More than 20 000 people accused of being dissidents fighting the government were killed by soldiers while former president Robert Mugabe was in office. President Emmerson Mnangagwa's government initiated public hearings to seek healing and compensation for the victims. The Bulawayo High Court in Zimbabwe on Tuesday dismissed an application by the opposition party, the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), to stop the public hearings into the Gukurahundi massacres. According to the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe, more than 20 000 people accused of being dissidents were killed by former president Robert Mugabe's soldiers in the early 1980s. The massacres took place in Matebeleland, south-west Zimbabwe. The current government of President Emmerson Mnangagwa had initiated public hearings - to be led by traditional chiefs - to seek healing and compensation for victims. Mnangagwa was the security minister during the massacres. On Tuesday, Bulawayo High Court Judge Munamato Mutevedzi dismissed the urgent court application, saying: ZAPU did not act when they initially felt aggrieved but waited for the day of the public hearings to start and then bring their case before the courts. The public hearings were supposed to kick off last Thursday but were postponed due to the court application. ZAPU spokesperson Richard Gandari told News24 that this was a sad judgment and they were working on a way forward. 'As ZAPU, we tend to disagree with the judge that the matter is not urgent. We still have an urgent issue in the spirit of the law, but we will respect this outcome. 'As a matter of principle, we are going to pursue other avenues that are peaceful to get a resolution and get justice for victims of Gukurahundi. So that this issue, which has now spanned several decades, can be resolved once and for all.' Gandari said he felt the current public hearings would not bring any justice. 'It is our view that the shadowing process being led by traditional chiefs falls far too short when delivering genuine restorative justice for the victims. 'It is also silent on the role played by the perpetrators and making it a one-sided affair which is tantamount to interrogations of survivors of Gukurahundi. We don't believe any healing will come out of these hearings, and part of our urgent court application came from the nature of those hearings.' A Matabeleland region community-based advocacy group, Ibhetshu Likazulu, which has been calling for compensation for the Gukurahundi massacres, said the court's dismissed disadvantaged victims. 'There are critical issues about these public hearings. First, the issue of media being barred and the issue of privatisation of these Gukurahundi public hearings are about to start. Those are the issues people are complaining about. 'Especially the fact that the perpetrator [the government] is the one who is supposed to be giving people ground rules on what should be done and what should not be done. Will people have access to the final report? Those are the critical issues we need to address as a nation before the public hearing starts,' added the advocacy group's secretary-general, Mbuso Fuzwayo. Human rights activist Vumani Ndlovu, who is based in Matabeleland, said affected people made it clear the process 'must be driven by themselves and the perpetrator [the government] must not be the one who is telling them what to do'. Ndlovu added the best solution was to set up an independent commission led by a foreign leader. 'When few people were killed after the 2018 elections, the government constituted a commission that was run and chaired by a foreigner and a highly regarded somebody, Kgalema Motlanthe. Why not do the same with the Gukurahundi issue?'
News24
23-04-2025
- Politics
- News24
White and black farmers still bear the scars of Zimbabwe's land grabs
More than two decades on, a struggling agricultural sector haunts Zimbabwe, leaving the question of land ownership unresolved. Between 1990 and 2000, the government used donor funds, including Britain's, to compulsorily purchase land from white commercial farmers for reclamation. However, under the cover of correcting colonial injustices, powerful officials seized productive farms from both white and black farmers. Guy Watson-Smith felt hurt and betrayed when his 5 000-hectare (12 355-acre) farm in Beatrice, in Zimbabwe's Mashonaland East province, was violently invaded by three armed men in the early 2000s. The then-51-year-old white commercial farmer was losing his land and hundreds of workers and their families, many of whom he had known since childhood. "We cried," the 75-year-old told Al Jazeera. On the morning of 18 September 2001, Watson-Smith, his two farm managers, and his unwelcome visitors sat at a table on the wife, Vicky, offered them a cup of tea. But the message was simple: leave or die. His family was given two hours to fled to the capital, Harare, 54km away, seeking refuge at his father-in-law's home in the Avenues, an inner-city suburb. Watson-Smith's ordeal was not an isolated incident. Across the country, war veterans armed with pistols led similar land grabs, together with their children and with assistance from the police's elite invasions were part of the chaotic Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP), launched under President Robert Mugabe in 2000 to reclaim land from about 4 000 white farmers and redistribute it to landless black instead of redressing past injustices, Zimbabweans say the reclamations fuelled economic and land insecurity, as mainly governing party loyalists benefitted from them. More than two decades on, a struggling agricultural sector haunts Zimbabwe, leaving the question of land ownership unresolved, even as the government has begun to pay compensation to white farmers. Colonial land invasions When land was seized from white farmers in the early 2000s, it was forcibly and sometimes violently taken, with at least seven people killed in the process. However, Zimbabwe's land struggles did not begin with Mugabe's FTLRP or the country's independence in 1980. The tensions stretch back over a century to the arrival of white British settlers in 1890. When the British arrived, they invaded Mashonaland areas and took mining rights from the locals under agreements that the local leadership did not understand. They then expanded control, violently displacing black people from their fertile ancestral lands. Forced into barren areas with poor soil, low rainfall and tsetse flies, black Zimbabweans struggled to farm or raise cattle. By the 1950s, land was formally divided along racial lines, with white settlers holding the most fertile areas. This deep injustice fuelled the liberation struggle. Revolutionary groups like ZANU and ZAPU took up arms, and from 1964 to 1979, land was at the heart of the Rhodesian Bush War – also known as the Second Chimurenga, during which black Zimbabweans fought for independence from the white minority government. The 1969 Land Tenure Act, which escalated black land evictions, was a breaking point. For many fighters, reclaiming the land became not just about survival but also about identity and economic freedom. The war ended with the Lancaster House Agreement drawn up and signed in London in December 1979, setting the stage for Zimbabwe's first democratic elections. On 18 April 1980, after Mugabe's victory, Zimbabwe gained independence from Britain. The Lancaster agreement barred Mugabe's government from forcibly seizing land, allowing only voluntary transfers under a "willing buyer, willing seller" system from 1980 to 1990. Many war veterans felt betrayed. They had fought for liberation, expecting immediate land redistribution, but years of slow negotiations left them frustrated. READ | Zimbabwe issues dollar bonds to pay ex-farmers for land grabs From 1990 to 2000, land reclamations took place by the government compulsorily buying land from white commercial farmers using funds from donors, including Britain. However, the process became politicised as some senior politicians and elites redistributed land among themselves instead of to the poor. Some funds were allegedly loaned to ruling ZANU-PF party loyalists and were not used for land redistribution. This raised accusations of corruption, causing some donors to cut funding. Britain, which had initially committed 20 million pounds ($26.6m at the current rate) to fund the land reform programme, withdrew support in 1997. The United Kingdom said it could no longer accept responsibility for colonial injustices and would not fund a programme plagued by corruption and elite capture. Donor funding helped the Zimbabwean government buy land from white commercial farmers, enabling about 50 000 black farmers to receive land. However, the programme was ultimately underfunded and fell far short of the targeted 8 million hectares (19.8 million acres). Mugabe-era land grabs In February 2000, under mounting pressure from furious war veterans, Mugabe attempted to amend the Constitution to allow land seizures without compensation. When the referendum failed, the war veterans and their families took matters into their own hands by invading farms. Soon, Mugabe officially followed suit by launching the FTLRP. At that time, the minority white population, which comprised about 4% of the country, owned more than half the land in Zimbabwe. For months, Watson-Smith's land, where he grew tobacco, maize, paprika, groundnuts and Rhodes seed for export, remained untouched until the day a powerful war hero with the ZANU-PF set his sights on it. Watson-Smith was in Harare, where he worked as the Mashonaland East provincial chairman of the Commercial Farmers Union, a body representing white commercial farmers, when he learnt that retired General Solomon Mujuru, a former commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces and top ZANU-PF figure in the province had invaded his farm. Efforts to move their assets like tractors and vehicles went in vain, Watson-Smith said, as the invaders allowed only his wife to take their personal belongings, like photographs and furniture, from the house before leaving. Even the courts offered little protection. Though Watson-Smith won a High Court ruling to reclaim his assets, Mujuru's thugs chased away the sheriff sent to enforce the order. Watson-Smith and his family were lucky to escape their farm unharmed. But they were still afraid. On 21 December 2001, they fled through the Beitbridge border post to South Africa, later moving to France to start a new life. Even black farmers are not safe Before the farm invasions, Zimbabwe produced enough to feed itself and for exports to Southern Africa and Europe. Agriculture was the backbone of the economy, employing much of the country's workforce. Some black Zimbabweans had also risen to the top, managing farms. Initially, Mugabe's land expropriation programme was meant to redistribute land to disadvantaged black Zimbabweans to boost equity and agricultural development. However, under the cover of correcting colonial injustices, powerful officials seized productive farms from both white and black farmers. Kondozi Estates in eastern Zimbabwe was one of the farms seized by senior ZANU-PF figures in 2004. The land in Manicaland province was co-owned by black Zimbabwean Edwin Moyo and the white de Klerk family. At the time, it was a vital exporter of fresh produce, particularly high-quality beans, gooseberries, corn, mangetout and sugar snaps to European retailers like Tesco and Sainsbury's. It employed hundreds in Mutare, and its destruction was a death blow to the local economy. The same pattern repeated itself on other farms, locals say, with black owners without strong ties to the ZANU-PF continuing to face evictions. In 2021, human rights defender and lawyer Siphosami Malunga lost his farm to ZANU-PF secretary-general Obert Mpofu. Though Zimbabwe's lower courts later ruled in his favour, and he is back on his farm awaiting a High Court decision, the battle over its ownership rages on. "Land reform was necessary," 53-year-old Malunga told Al Jazeera. The colonial project dispossessed blacks, pushing them onto barren land while whites took the best farms. But the way reform was handled enriched the elite while leaving ordinary Zimbabweans with nothing Mugabe once campaigned for a "one man, one farm" policy. Yet his allies ignored it. Even his wife, Grace Mugabe, amassed at least 15 farms. Most of the beneficiaries of the FTLRP were ZANU-PF loyalists, experts note. Rejoice Ngwenya, a political analyst based in Harare, said Mugabe's land reform was not about black empowerment. "It had motives: firstly, to pacify war veterans that were agitating for more recognition; secondly, to punish white commercial farmers who were supporting the opposition. The man was insecure," he told Al Jazeera. "If you promise to not expropriate black-owned farms, you should not touch Moyo or Malunga's farms. But ZANU-PF does not care," he remarked. Vivid Gwede, another Harare-based political analyst, said land ownership has been used to punish disloyalty or reward loyalty to the governing party. "On account of politics, some black farmers have had their land invaded," he said. Compensation and rejection Unlike white commercial farmers who spent decades learning the land, most of the ZANU-PF-aligned farmers who took over had no farming experience. The new owners were people who had spent most of their lives in the bush fighting against white colonialists, experts note, while many black farm workers who had experience managing white-owned farms did not benefit from land reclamations. As a result of the chaotic and violent invasions, knowledge of agricultural practices was also not passed on. Soon, the Southern African nation with a once-thriving agricultural economy began facing a food crisis, which was later compounded by climate change. For years, many Zimbabweans have depended on food aid from donors like the United Nations World Food Programme. In April 2024, the government declared a national disaster as a severe El Nino-induced drought left more than half of Zimbabwe's 15.1 million people facing hunger. The crisis exposed the country's collapsed agricultural sector. Before land seizures, white commercial farmers and black farmers like Moyo had irrigation schemes to mitigate droughts. ZANU-PF dismantled these systems, leaving the country vulnerable. READ | Most white Zimbabwean farmers reject pay-off in dollar bonds for land seizures Experts say Zimbabwe's collapse in agricultural productivity stems not just from poor planning but also from a deeper culture of impunity. Across the country, though court orders were issued to stop farm invasions and evictions of white commercial farmers, these were ignored. Since 2000, former farmers have filed hundreds of legal cases, trying to reclaim their assets, with little success. The 2013 constitution promised compensation, but only for farm improvements, not the land itself. When Emmerson Mnangagwa took power in a 2017 military coup, he inherited a shattered economy, abandoned and poorly managed farms, food shortages, and soaring unemployment. Desperate for solutions, he reached a $3.5bn compensation deal with white farmers in 2020, hoping to mend relations with the West and lift US economic sanctions imposed in 2001. But the plan stalled. In October 2024, the government set aside $20m to compensate a handful of foreign white farmers from Denmark, Switzerland, the Netherlands and Germany whose investments were affected by the land reform programme. This month, Finance Minister Mthuli Ncube announced that the government had paid $3.1m to white former farmers who lost land during Zimbabwe's land reform. However, the Compensation Steering Committee (CSC), a domestic body representing white farmers, criticised the compensation as a token gesture and rejected the deal, saying it wanted negotiations instead. "We're willing to talk, but they [the government] are not talking to us," Ian McKersie, chairman of the CSC, told Al Jazeera. In response, Nick Mangwana, permanent secretary in Zimbabwe's Ministry of Information, told Al Jazeera there are "factions" among the white farmers. He said: If they speak, they are speaking for themselves, they do not represent the mainstream. "It is preposterous [to reject the deal]. It does not make sense." Mangwana also denied that there are ongoing land seizures, such as the case of Malunga, whose farm was taken in 2021. "These are just disputes … It is not a land invasion. There is no land invasion in Zimbabwe," he said. Untended farms and uncertain futures Now in France, Watson-Smith runs a real estate business. But back in Zimbabwe, his once-productive Alamein Farm has fallen into disuse; its land is now less vibrant than it used to be. After General Mujuru, who was one of Zimbabwe's most feared men, seized Watson-Smith's farm, he turned it into a hunting ground. Following Mujuru's death in 2011, his wife, former vice president Joice Mujuru, kept the land but struggled to maintain it. Meanwhile, Kondozi Estates, the major part-black owned farm taken by ZANU-PF elites, also fell into decay. A visit this year revealed abandoned equipment and overgrown fields. Across the country, seized farms remain untended. During the land reform, farms were given long-term leases. However, banks refused to recognise these leases as collateral, making it impossible for farmers to secure loans. In late 2024, President Mnangagwa ordered the Ministry of Lands to stop issuing permits and leases in favour of title deeds. But experts warn this is problematic as it does not address the land dispute between resettled farmers and dispossessed white commercial farmers. Willie Spies, a lawyer assisting dispossessed Zimbabweans, told Al Jazeera: If the government issues title deeds on land already under existing historic title deeds, it's unlawful. "A legitimate process requires compensating former farmers fairly before transferring ownership." New farmers have already benefitted from state subsidies, including a 2007 mechanisation programme that distributed tractors and harvesters without repayment. Zimbabwe's debt now stands at $21 billion, according to the World Bank – $13bn owed to international creditors and $8bn in domestic debt. Some of the domestic debt is a result of the agricultural subsidies, which ended up benefitting political elites and not the poor rural farmers. Corruption runs deep, said Malunga, who is still awaiting a final court decision about ownership of his farm. "Agricultural subsidy programmes were hijacked by the elite, enabling grand corruption and theft of billions," he said. While title deeds could offer land security to the new farm owners, he warned: "This risks creating a privileged black landowning class." Watson-Smith notes that although title deeds helped farmers like him by "open[ing] the doors to credit for irrigation, dams and every farm improvement", giving title deeds to new farm owners without addressing past injustices is meaningless. He said: It might impress Zimbabwean banks, but international lenders won't recognise stolen property. Once the backbone of Zimbabwe's economy, agriculture is now crippled by corruption, mismanagement and political greed, farmers say. Meanwhile, the scars of the land grabs remain, both for displaced former farmers and the nation still grappling with the fallout. As many white farmers live in self-exile abroad, many common black farmers are in limbo, facing off against senior politicians in the battle for land ownership. For now, Malunga is back on his farm, growing tomatoes and other crops. But he remains unsettled. "Pending the decision of the High Court, we are in occupation," he said, knowing his future is uncertain until the judge decides.
Al Jazeera
23-04-2025
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
White and Black farmers still bear the scars of Zimbabwe's land grabs
Harare, Zimbabwe – Guy Watson-Smith felt hurt and betrayed when his 5,000-hectare (12,355-acre) farm in Beatrice, in Zimbabwe's Mashonaland East province, was violently invaded by three armed men in the early 2000s. The then-51-year-old white commercial farmer was not just losing his land; he was leaving behind hundreds of workers and their families, many of whom he had known since childhood. 'We cried,' the 75-year-old told Al Jazeera. On the morning of September 18, 2001, Watson-Smith, his two farm managers, and his unwelcome visitors sat at a table on the patio. Watson-Smith's wife, Vicky, offered them a cup of tea. But the message was simple: leave or die. His family was given two hours to pack. They fled to the capital, Harare, 54km (33.5 miles) away, seeking refuge at his father-in-law's home in the Avenues, an inner-city suburb. Watson-Smith's ordeal was not an isolated incident. Across the country, war veterans armed with pistols led similar land grabs, together with their children and with assistance from the police's elite units. The invasions were part of the chaotic Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), launched under President Robert Mugabe in 2000 to reclaim land from about 4,000 white farmers and redistribute it to landless Black Zimbabweans. But instead of redressing past injustices, Zimbabweans say it fuelled economic and land insecurity as mainly governing party loyalists benefitted from the reclamations. More than two decades on, a struggling agricultural sector haunts Zimbabwe, leaving the question of land ownership unresolved, even as the government has begun to pay compensation to white farmers. When land was seized from white farmers in the early 2000s, it was forcibly and sometimes violently taken, with at least seven people killed in the process. However, Zimbabwe's land struggles did not begin with Mugabe's FTLRP or even the country's independence in 1980. The tensions stretch back over a century to the arrival of white British settlers in 1890. When the British arrived, they invaded Mashonaland areas and took mining rights from the locals under agreements that the local leadership did not understand. They then expanded control, violently displacing Black people from their fertile ancestral lands. Forced into barren areas with poor soil, low rainfall and tsetse flies, Black Zimbabweans struggled to farm or raise cattle. By the 1950s, land was formally divided along racial lines, with white settlers holding the most fertile areas. This deep injustice fuelled the liberation struggle. Revolutionary groups like ZANU and ZAPU took up arms, and from 1964 to 1979, land was at the heart of the Rhodesian Bush War – also known as the Second Chimurenga, during which Black Zimbabweans fought for independence from the white minority government. The 1969 Land Tenure Act, which escalated Black land evictions, was a breaking point. For many fighters, reclaiming the land became not just about survival, but about identity and economic freedom. The war ended with the Lancaster House Agreement drawn up and signed in London in December 1979, setting the stage for Zimbabwe's first democratic elections. On April 18, 1980, after Mugabe's victory, Zimbabwe gained independence from Britain. The Lancaster agreement barred Mugabe's government from forcibly seizing land, allowing only voluntary transfers under a 'willing buyer, willing seller' system from 1980 to 1990. Many war veterans felt betrayed. They had fought for liberation, expecting immediate land redistribution, but years of slow negotiations left them frustrated. From 1990 to 2000, land reclamations took place by the government compulsorily buying land from white commercial farmers using funds from donors, including Britain. However, the process became politicised as some senior politicians and elites redistributed land among themselves instead of to the poor. Some of the funds were allegedly loaned to ruling ZANU-PF party loyalists and not used for the intended purposes of land redistribution. This raised accusations of corruption, causing some donors to cut funding. Britain, which had initially committed 20 million pounds ($26.6m at the current rate) to fund the land reform programme, withdrew support in 1997. The United Kingdom said it could no longer accept responsibility for colonial injustices and would not fund a programme plagued by corruption and elite capture. Donor funding helped the Zimbabwean government buy land from white commercial farmers, enabling about 50,000 Black farmers to receive land. But the programme was ultimately underfunded and fell far short of the targeted 8 million hectares (19.8 million acres). In February 2000, under mounting pressure from furious war veterans, Mugabe attempted to amend the constitution to allow land seizures without compensation. When the referendum failed, the war veterans and their families took matters into their own hands by invading farms. Soon, Mugabe officially followed suit by launching the FTLRP. At that time, the minority white population, which made up about 4 percent of the country, owned more than half the land in Zimbabwe. For months, Watson-Smith's land, where he grew tobacco, maize, paprika, groundnuts and Rhodes seed for export, remained untouched until the day a powerful war hero with the ZANU-PF set his sights on it. Watson-Smith was in Harare, where he worked as the Mashonaland East provincial chairman of the Commercial Farmers Union, a body representing white commercial farmers, when he learned that his farm had been invaded by retired General Solomon Mujuru, a former commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces and top ZANU-PF figure in the province. Efforts to move their assets like tractors and vehicles went in vain, Watson-Smith said, as the invaders allowed only his wife to take their personal belongings, like photographs and furniture, from the house before leaving. Even the courts offered little protection. Though Watson-Smith won a High Court ruling to reclaim his assets, Mujuru's thugs chased away the sheriff sent to enforce the order. Watson-Smith and his family were lucky to escape their farm unharmed. But they were still afraid. On December 21, 2001, they fled through the Beitbridge border post to South Africa, later moving to France to start a new life. Before the farm invasions, Zimbabwe produced enough to feed itself and for exports to Southern Africa and Europe. Agriculture was the backbone of the economy, employing much of the country's workforce. Some Black Zimbabweans had also risen to the top, managing farms. Initially, Mugabe's land expropriation programme was meant to redistribute land to disadvantaged Black Zimbabweans to boost equity and agricultural development. But under the cover of correcting colonial injustices, powerful officials seized productive farms from both white and Black farmers. Kondozi Estates in eastern Zimbabwe was one of the farms seized by senior ZANU-PF figures in 2004. The land in Manicaland province was co-owned by Black Zimbabwean Edwin Moyo and the white de Klerk family. At the time, it was a vital exporter of fresh produce, particularly high-quality beans, gooseberries, corn, mangetout and sugar snaps to European retailers like Tesco and Sainsbury's. It employed hundreds in Mutare, and its destruction was a death blow to the local economy. The same pattern repeated itself on other farms, locals say, with Black owners without strong ties to the ZANU-PF continuing to face evictions. In 2021, human rights defender and lawyer Siphosami Malunga lost his farm to ZANU-PF secretary-general Obert Mpofu. Though Zimbabwe's lower courts later ruled in his favour and he is back on his farm awaiting a High Court decision, the battle over its ownership rages on. 'Land reform was necessary,' 53-year-old Malunga told Al Jazeera. 'The colonial project dispossessed Blacks, pushing them on to barren land while whites took the best farms. But the way reform was handled enriched the elite while leaving ordinary Zimbabweans with nothing.' Mugabe once campaigned for a 'one man, one farm' policy. Yet his allies ignored it. Even his wife, Grace Mugabe, amassed at least 15 farms. Most of the beneficiaries of the FTLRP were ZANU-PF loyalists, experts note. Rejoice Ngwenya, a political analyst based in Harare, said Mugabe's land reform was not about Black empowerment. 'It had motives: firstly, to pacify war veterans that were agitating for more recognition; secondly, to punish white commercial farmers who were supporting the opposition. The man was insecure,' he told Al Jazeera. 'If you promise to not expropriate Black-owned farms, you should not touch Moyo or Malunga's farms. But ZANU-PF does not care,' he remarked. Vivid Gwede, another Harare-based political analyst, said land ownership has been used as a tool to punish disloyalty or reward loyalty to the governing party. 'On account of politics, some Black farmers have had their land invaded,' he said. Unlike white commercial farmers who spent decades learning the land, most of the ZANU-PF-aligned farmers who took over had no farming experience. The new owners were people who had spent most of their lives in the bush fighting against white colonialists, experts note, while many Black farm workers who had experience managing white-owned farms did not benefit from land reclamations. As a result of the chaotic and violent invasions, knowledge of agricultural practices was also not passed on. Soon, the Southern African nation with a once-thriving agricultural economy began to face a food crisis, later compounded by climate change. For years, many Zimbabweans have depended on food aid from donors like the United Nations World Food Programme. In April 2024, the government declared a national disaster as a severe El Nino-induced drought left more than half of Zimbabwe's 15.1 million people facing hunger. The crisis exposed the country's collapsed agricultural sector. Before land seizures, white commercial farmers and Black farmers like Moyo had irrigation schemes to mitigate droughts. ZANU-PF dismantled these systems, leaving the country vulnerable. Zimbabwe's collapse in agricultural productivity stems not just from poor planning, but from a deeper culture of impunity, experts say. Across the country, though court orders were issued to stop farm invasions and evictions of white commercial farmers, these were ignored. Since 2000, former farmers have filed hundreds of legal cases, trying to reclaim their assets, with little success. The 2013 constitution promised compensation, but only for farm improvements, not the land itself. When Emmerson Mnangagwa took power in a 2017 military coup, he inherited a shattered economy, abandoned and poorly managed farms, food shortages, and soaring unemployment. Desperate for solutions, he reached a $3.5bn compensation deal with white farmers in 2020, hoping to mend relations with the West and lift US economic sanctions imposed in 2001. But the plan stalled. In October 2024, the government set aside $20m to compensate a handful of foreign white farmers from Denmark, Switzerland, the Netherlands and Germany whose investments were affected by the land reform programme. This month, Finance Minister Mthuli Ncube announced that the government had paid $3.1m to white former farmers who lost land during Zimbabwe's land reform. However, the Compensation Steering Committee (CSC), a domestic body representing white farmers, criticised the compensation as a token gesture and rejected the deal, saying it wants negotiations instead. 'We're willing to talk, but they [the government] are not talking to us,' Ian McKersie, chairman of the CSC told Al Jazeera. In response, Nick Mangwana, permanent secretary in Zimbabwe's Ministry of Information, told Al Jazeera there are 'factions' among the white farmers. 'If they speak, they are speaking for themselves, they do not represent the mainstream,' he said. 'It is preposterous [to reject the deal]. It does not make sense.' Mangwana also denied that there are ongoing land seizures, such as the case of Malunga, whose farm was taken in 2021. 'These are just disputes … It is not a land invasion. There is no land invasion in Zimbabwe,' he said. Now in France, Watson-Smith runs a real estate business. But back in Zimbabwe, his once-productive Alamein Farm has fallen into disuse; its land is now less vibrant than it used to be. After General Mujuru, who was one of Zimbabwe's most feared men, seized Watson-Smith's farm, he turned it into a hunting ground. Following Mujuru's death in 2011, his wife, former Vice President Joice Mujuru, kept the land but struggled to maintain it. Meanwhile, Kondozi Estates, the major part-Black owned farm taken by ZANU-PF elites, also fell into decay. A visit this year revealed abandoned equipment and overgrown fields. Across the country, seized farms remain untended. During the land reform, farms were given long-term leases. But banks refused to recognise these leases as collateral, making it impossible for farmers to secure loans. In late 2024, President Mnangagwa ordered the Ministry of Lands to stop issuing permits and leases in favour of title deeds. But experts warn this is problematic as it does not address the land dispute between resettled farmers and dispossessed white commercial farmers. 'If the government issues title deeds on land already under existing historic title deeds, it's unlawful,' Willie Spies, a lawyer assisting dispossessed Zimbabweans, told Al Jazeera 'A legitimate process requires compensating former farmers fairly before transferring ownership.' New farmers have already benefitted from state subsidies, including a 2007 mechanisation programme that distributed tractors and harvesters without repayment. Zimbabwe's debt now stands at $21bn, according to the World Bank – $13bn owed to international creditors and $8bn in domestic debt. Some of the domestic debt is a result of the agricultural subsidies, which ended up benefitting political elites and not the poor rural farmers. Corruption runs deep, said Malunga, who is still awaiting a final court decision about ownership of his farm. 'Agricultural subsidy programmes were hijacked by the elite, enabling grand corruption and theft of billions,' he said. While title deeds could offer land security to the new farm owners, he warned: 'This risks creating a privileged Black landowning class.' Watson-Smith notes that although title deeds helped farmers like him by 'open[ing] the doors to credit for irrigation, dams and every farm improvement', giving title deeds to new farm owners without addressing past injustices is meaningless. 'It might impress Zimbabwean banks, but international lenders won't recognise stolen property,' he said. Once the backbone of Zimbabwe's economy, agriculture is now crippled by corruption, mismanagement and political greed, farmers say. Meanwhile, the scars of the land grabs remain, both for displaced former farmers and the nation still grappling with the fallout. As many white farmers live in self-exile abroad, many common Black farmers are in limbo, facing off against senior politicians in the battle for land ownership. For now, Malunga is back on his farm, growing tomatoes and other crops. But he remains unsettled. 'Pending the decision of the High Court, we are in occupation,' he said, knowing his future is uncertain until the judge decides.
