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The Irish Sun
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Irish Sun
Firefighters deal with ‘challenging night' as fire fighter attacked ahead of Orange Order parades
FIREFIGHTERS in Northern Ireland said they dealt with a challenging night as bonfires were lit ahead of the July 12 celebrations. Tens of thousands will take to the streets across the region for the traditional Orange Order parades on Saturday. Advertisement 3 Fire crews in Northern Ireland had a challenging night last night Credit: REUTERS/Clodagh Kilcoyne 3 A bonfire was set alight in Moygashel, County Tyrone Credit: Brrian Lincoln/ZUMA Press Wire/Shutterstock The festivities will be spread across 19 main locations to mark the 334th anniversary of the Battle of the Boyne where the Protestant King William of Orange triumphed over the Catholic King James II. It comes after the burning of bonfires at an estimated 300 locations in loyalist neighbourhoods across the region on Thursday and Friday nights. While most of the bonfires passed off peacefully, there was condemnation after effigies of migrants in a boat were burned on a bonfire in Moygashel, Co Tyrone. Pictures of the Irish rap band Advertisement READ MORE IN NEWS But the most contentious bonfire was located on a site containing asbestos and close to an electricity sub station off the Donegall Road in south Belfast. The Northern Ireland One firefighter was attacked while attending a bonfire in Lisburn, Co NIFRS area commander Andy Burns said: "Between 6pm 11 July and 2am 12 July 2025, we received 277 emergency 999 calls. Advertisement Most read in The Irish Sun Exclusive "This resulted in our firefighters attending 194 operational incidents, 72 of which were bonfire related. Peak activity was between 10pm and 1am. "During this period, the number of emergency calls received increased by 154 per cent when compared to 2024. "It was a challenging and extremely busy night for NIFRS with an increase in demand for our regional control centre and emergency response." The spokesperson added: "Disappointingly, a firefighter was attacked while attending a bonfire in Lisburn. They were not injured and remained on duty. Advertisement "This was an isolated incident and not reflective of the support shown to firefighters in carrying out their duties across the evening." Of all the loyal order parades to take place on Saturday, around 30 have been officially categorised as sensitive by the Parades Commission. Locations of sensitive parades this year include Belfast, Coleraine, Keady, Dunloy, Rasharkin, Strabane, Newtownabbey, Maghera, Newtownbutler, Portadown, Glengormley and Bellaghy. POLICING More than 4,000 police officers and police staff will be working on July 12. Advertisement On the 11th night, around 1,200 officers were deployed to monitor public safety at bonfires. The cost of policing parades and bonfires in Northern Ireland through spring and summer was £6.1 million last year, a figure that was up £1.5 million on the previous year. The bill, which covers the period April 1 to August 31, also includes the cost of policing republican commemorations around Easter and events to mark the mid-August anniversary of the introduction of internment without trial during the Troubles. The PSNI expects the costs in 2025 to be higher still. Advertisement This is due to falling police numbers and the resultant increased reliance on paying overtime to ensure enough officers are on duty for the events. 'KEEP PEOPLE SAFE' Chief Constable Jon Boutcher has urged mutual respect in the marking of events. He said: "Our officers will be on the ground throughout the weekend, working in partnership with community leaders, event organisers, and local representatives to support lawful, peaceful, and family-friendly events. "However where necessary, we will take firm and proportionate action to keep people safe. Advertisement "Our priority remains the safety and wellbeing of everyone." On Sunday morning, an Orange Order parade has been permitted to pass Ardoyne shops in north Belfast restricted to one band and 50 members of the order. It is a return parade at a former flashpoint which traditionally took place on the evening of July 12 often resulting in violent scenes. Meanwhile, the traditional July 13 events organised by the Royal Black Preceptory in the village of Scarva, Co Armagh will take place on Monday. Advertisement The event includes a parade as well as a sham fight between actors playing rival monarchs William and James. 3 Northern Ireland Fire and Rescue Service tackled a gorse blaze in the Belfast Hills Credit: Rebecca Black/PA Wire
New York Post
7 days ago
- Politics
- New York Post
Zohran Mamdani's feeding off Gen Z's misplaced doomerism: ‘They perpetually think things are awful'
Pessimism, confusion and vibes fueled young voters' support for Zohran Mamdani in last month's New York Democratic mayoral primary, experts told The Post. Well-educated white progressives have been taught to feel guilty about their identity and have been fed an expectation that they're up against so many challenges — climate change, student debt, AI, mental health struggles compounded by social media — that they can't possibly get ahead in life. And it's affecting their political POV. 10 'It's 'Vote the bastards out,' no matter who is in office,' psychologist Jean Twenge said of young voters' support of Zohran Mamdani. 'Because [for Gen Z], things are always awful, even if they're not.' AP 'They perpetually think things are awful,' acclaimed author and psychologist Jean Twenge told The Post. 'It's 'Vote the bastards out,' no matter who is in office. Because [for Gen Z], things are always awful, even if they're not.' This bleak mindset, rooted in rising mental health struggles and economic illiteracy, drove under-35s to embrace Mamdani's Marxist bombast — even if they're unclear of what, exactly, they're supporting. Twice as many young adults are clinically depressed now compared to a decade ago, said Twenge, author of 'Generations: The Real Differences Between Gen Z, Millennials, Gen X, Boomers, and Silents — and What They Mean for America's Future.' 'Depression isn't just about emotions; it's about how you see the world. That has all these downstream implications, including for politics — that we need to completely start over, throw out capitalism, no more billionaires,' Twenge told The Post. 10 Well-educated white progressives have been taught to feel guilty about their identity and fed an expectation that they're up against so many challenges that they can't possibly get ahead in life. And it's affecting their political POV. Laura Brett/ZUMA Press Wire / 10 Mamdani's vibrant merch — tote bags, T-shirts, hats — appeals to a craving for connection. AP 'It's taking to extreme things that could be more reasonable reforms. This extreme reaction is consistent with the pessimism: 'Let's just burn everything down and start over.'' Depression often impairs critical thinking. Academic performance, from elementary school to college, dropped sharply during the COVID-19 pandemic and hasn't recovered, puzzling researchers. Today, only 15% of teens read books — a slump encouraged by teachers, of all people. In 2022, the National Council of Teachers of English declared: 'The time has come to decenter book reading and essay writing' as the foundation of English class. 'It brings to mind the decline in religion, particularly among young adults. Also, the decline in relationships among young adults. They are seeking something that gives them meaning, connections with other people,' Twenge said. 10 Zohran Mamdani, the Democratic nominee in the NYC mayoral race, has called for a rent-freeze, government-run grocery stores and de-commodifying the housing market in favor of government communes. Instagram/@zohrankmamdani And Mamdani's vibrant posters and free merch — tote bags, T-shirts, hats — appeal to that craving while also signaling a 'one of us' membership. (Not unlike MAGA.) 'Some political movements give you a sense of belonging and rightness,' Twenge said. 'And those things used to be satisfied via other means.' Eric Kaufmann, professor of politics at the University of Buckingham, in the UK, also sees a religiosity in socialism's young Western following, one in which Mamdani — a charismatic, Punjabi, Ugandan, Muslim polyglot — is an archetypal emissary. 'The symbol of the person of color is very important in the religion of what I would call progressive illiberalism,' Kaufmann, author of 'The Third Awokening,' told The Post. 10 Twice as many young adults are clinically depressed now compared to a decade ago, said psychologist Jean Twenge. 'Depression isn't just about emotions; it's about how you see the world. That has all these downstream implications, including for politics … ' 10 Twenge is the author of the acclaimed book 'Generations.' In large coastal cities, 'white progressives are the ones voting all the time, because their politics is a big source of meaning in their lives,' Kaufmann added. 'It falls flatter for Hispanic and Asian working-class people who want more bread-and-butter stuff … They don't identify with the faculty lounge religion of anti-racism.' That checks out with last month's primary election results. Challenger Andrew Cuomo received his strongest support in the Bronx — New York's poorest and least white borough — whereas Mamdani's big boost came from gentrified Brooklyn. Mamdani also led by 20 points among New Yorkers earning over $100,000, while Cuomo led by 34 points among voters making less than $50,000 a year. 10 Depression often impairs critical thinking. Academic performance, from elementary school to college, dropped sharply during the COVID-19 pandemic and hasn't recovered, puzzling researchers. Tasneem H/ – 'They're seeing themselves as part of this almost worldly utopianism,' Kaufmann said of privileged young voters. 'You had Marxism, anarchism, these other kinds of movements that appealed to intellectuals in the past. Now it's moved on to a cultural version of the left, which is much more around identity and around being defined as 'I'm one of the good whites.'' While Mamdani's ethnographic box-ticking catapults his appeal among Brooklyn's Instagram Intifada, his central campaign message isn't about race, but 'affordability.' The candidate has called for free buses, a rent freeze, government-run grocery stores and de-commodifying the housing market in favor of government communes, and uses the classic Marxist trope of 'seizing the means of production.' Yet young people are doing extraordinarily well, if not emotionally then financially — a controversial fact to point out. Millennials and Gen Z are wealthier than previous generations of the same age and, according to US census data, incomes for younger Americans are at an all-time high even when corrected for inflation. 10 'It's not your grandfather's socialism,' said economic professor Robert Whaples of the philosophy embraced by Mamdani and his young supporters. 'They think of socialism as another form of capitalism — turning this capitalist system into one that's just a little bit nicer and gives you free stuff.' @ subwaytakes/ Tik Tok This has economists shaking their heads over the financial doomerism of today's youth. Grim headlines and outrage-driven social media algorithms amplify negativity. The kids simply don't know how good and fair the system is, even if there's room for improvement, said Robert Whaples, professor of economics at Wake Forest University and editor of The Independent Review. 'When you think about what socialism is, it's an entirely materialistic point of view,' he told The Post. 'One of the core things in socialism is envy. It's driven on you wanting to have the same kinds of things that other people have. And you just don't see as much of that within true conservativism, where the material stuff is nice but not the end goal.' According to data from the Higher Education Research Institute, 85% of college students in 2022 ranked financial success as 'essential' or 'very important,' compared to the 1960s when that number was only 43%. 10 'You had Marxism, anarchism, these other kinds of movements that appealed to intellectuals in the past,' politics professor Eric Kaufmann said of young progressives. 'Now it's moved on to a cultural version of the left, which is much more around identity and around being defined as 'I'm one of the good whites.'' courtesy of Large families once signaled prosperity, but many born after 1990 view having children as a threat to their high material standard of living, fueling the 'I don't adult' trend of dodging grown-up responsibilities to hoard stuff and experiences, Whaples said. While most Gen Z and Millennials attribute their own success to hard work, they see wealthier people's success as undeserved. All this has brewed a stew of contradiction and economic confusion. One 2022 study found that 67% of Gen Z and Millennials agree that 'I don't like to use pressure to get my way.' Only 14% said that 'the best way to get adults to do something is to use force.' 10 Kaufmann is the author of 'The Third Awokening.' Another 70% agreed with the statement: 'The way private property is used should primarily be decided by its owner.' Yet three-quarters of those same respondents support outsourcing pressure and force to the government. 'It's not your grandfather's socialism,' said Whaples. 'They think of socialism as another form of capitalism — turning this capitalist system into one that's just a little bit nicer and gives you free stuff.' The problem, he added, is that we already have that system in place. Whereas once it was shameful to ask for handouts, corporations helped train young people to expect it — and you can blame, in part, the online retail norm of free shipping. 'All those darn free apps get us in this attitude that there should be a lot of free stuff out there,' Whaples said. Capitalism continues to take the moral high ground of being the nicest, most cooperative and least coercive system around — and income inequality isn't nearly as bad as many people think, according to Whaples. 'If you look at the total amount of redistributive spending, it's basically offset all the rise in inequality within the market,' he said. 'Once you factor in the taxes and transfers people receive, the total amount of income inequality in the US is actually no higher than it was back in the 1960s.' Gen Z swung heavily Republican in the 2024 presidential election, leaving some to wonder if Mamdani's youth appeal signals a larger leftward jolt. Generational researcher Twenge doesn't believe so — attributing his victory to feelings over ideology. Politics professor Kaufmann agrees: 'My initial take would be there's a lot of vibe going on. That it's form rather than substance.'
New Statesman
23-06-2025
- Politics
- New Statesman
Ayatollah Khamenei faces a nuclear nightmare
Iranian Supreme Leader'S Office / ZUMA Press Wire / Shutterstock Iran's nuclear program traces its origins back to the reign of the Shah, when it was initiated with significant assistance from the United States. The program's initial focus was on peaceful nuclear technology, with early collaboration aiming to develop nuclear energy. However, as the US soon detected the possibility of military applications emerging within Iran's nuclear ambitions, Washington strongly urged Iran to abandon the path of uranium enrichment and instead focus solely on nuclear technology for energy purposes. Many years ago, my colleague Sig Hecker and I discussed in an article for The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists how Iran should have followed a path akin to South Korea, which chose nuclear technology over weapons development. South Korea is now a global leader in nuclear technology, while North Korea — on the other hand — pursued nuclear weapons, resulting in isolation, poverty, and an economy reliant on the bombastic rhetoric of its leaders. During the Shah's rule, Iran enjoyed the support of key Western powers, particularly France and Germany, who assisted with technology and expertise. High-ranking US officials, including Henry Kissinger and even the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, were backing the Shah's nuclear ambitions. They, in turn, convinced the Carter administration to adopt a similar stance, leaving Iran's nuclear program relatively unchallenged. In this period, Iran's nuclear ambitions were also supported by Israel, which saw Iran as close ally. In 1979, the Iranian Revolution fundamentally altered the country's political and nuclear trajectory. The overthrow of the Shah and the establishment of the Islamic Republic under Ayatollah Khomeini led to an abrupt halt in Iran's nuclear program. Khomeini justified the cessation by claiming that the nuclear program was a product of imperialist imposition, aimed at furthering the Shah's alliance with the West and selling 'garbage' to Iran. Yet, as often happens in political regimes, a change in leadership and national priorities can lead to a reversal of course, and that is precisely what transpired in Iran. During the brutal eight-year war with Iraq (1980-1988), in which Saddam Hussein used chemical weapons against Iranian forces with little international consequence, the Iranian regime reconsidered its nuclear ambitions. As the world turned a blind eye to Iraq's chemical warfare, the Iranian leadership clandestinely resumed its nuclear program. This time, they sought assistance from Russia and Pakistan. Iran's nuclear program underwent a dramatic shift under Ayatollah Khamenei, who succeeded Khomeini as the 'Supreme Leader.' Khamenei's approach to the nuclear program marked a significant departure from previous policies. Under his leadership, the nuclear program was no longer merely a tool for regional deterrence; it became a symbol of Iranian independence and resistance to Western imperialism and Zionism. Drawing on the legacy of Iran's 1951 nationalization of oil, Khamenei framed the nuclear program as a matter of national pride and a sign of defiance against foreign domination. His rhetoric invoked Iran's right to technological advancement and self-sufficiency, paralleling the ideals of resistance against foreign intervention that had historically fueled Mosaddeq's effort to nationalize Iran's oil. Iran's nuclear ambitions, initially viewed as dual-purpose — energy and potential military use — became increasingly intertwined with religious and political symbolism. President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, hand-picked by Khamenei, linked the nuclear program to the apocalyptic return of the Twelfth Imam, a central figure in Shiite eschatology. According to this narrative, Iran's nuclear progress would hasten the return of the Twelfth Imam, a figure believed to have been in occultation for over 1,300 years. This apocalyptic vision of global victory was central to Khamenei's strategic messaging. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe To bolster his regime's legitimacy, Khamenei also invested in establishing proxy forces in Lebanon, Iraq, and Yemen, and worked to maintain the Assad regime in Syria. These proxies served as strategic deterrents against Israel and the United States, creating a network of alliances and military leverage across the region. Simultaneously, the nuclear program was consistently portrayed as peaceful, with Khamenei supposedly issuing fatwas (religious decrees) purportedly forbidding nuclear weapons, even as the Iranian regime continued to enrich uranium to levels near those needed to develop the capacity to build a nuclear bomb. Despite the regime's insistence on the peaceful nature of its nuclear pursuits, the internal contradictions of its messaging became increasingly evident. Public rhetoric, particularly more recently, frequently suggested that Iran had now the capacity to build a nuclear weapon, while simultaneously claiming that it had no military component in its nuclear program. For years, this dual posture allowed the regime to maintain a sense of strategic ambiguity, creating an atmosphere of uncertainty for both regional actors and international powers. The combination of bluster, bluff, and strategic posturing helped Iran navigate the international community's reactions. The regime used the leverage of its regional proxies, particularly Hezbollah in Lebanon, as well as the survival of the Assad regime in Syria, to create a sense of invulnerability. The presence of a couple of hundreds of thousands of Iranian missiles in Syria and Lebanon further complicated the geopolitical calculus for Israel and the United States. Moreover, Iran's economic and political dealings with European countries, and its ability to secure economic concessions in return for partial restrictions on its nuclear activities, enabled it to prolong its nuclear aspirations while averting the imposition of crippling sanctions. However, as is often the case with regimes led by dogmatic figures, the Iranian leadership missed several warning signs of a changing geopolitical landscape. The Abraham Accords, which normalized relations between Israel and several Arab states, undermined Iran's longstanding narrative of Muslim unity against Israel. The rise of Donald Trump, whose unpredictable foreign policy shifted from attempts at negotiation to direct threats against Iran, further complicated matters. As Trump took a hardline stance, Israel became more assertive in its military operations against Iranian proxies, particularly in Lebanon, and the Assad regime's eventual decline weakened Iran's regional position. Internally, the Iranian regime faced mounting pressure from both economic crises and popular dissent. The Iranian economy was in freefall, with inflation skyrocketing and the value of the national currency plummeting from around 40,000 tomans to nearly 100,000 tomans to the dollar. Strikes by truckers, power shortages, and the inability of the regime to provide basic services to the public highlighted the deep structural problems within the Iranian economy. Perhaps even more troubling for Khamenei's regime was the growing domestic unrest, particularly among women who resisted the mandatory veiling law. The wave of civil disobedience led by women, coupled with increasing economic hardship, forced the regime to confront the growing cracks in its social and political foundation. Yet, Khamenei's response remained stubbornly consistent: criticism of the regime was dismissed as the work of foreign agents or 'tools' of imperialism and Zionism. This lack of self-reflection and refusal to engage with the real problems facing the nation further isolated the leadership from reality and of course from the aspirations of the Iranian people. As international pressure mounted, Khamenei continued to insist on the importance of Iran's nuclear program, despite growing internal and external challenges. The regime's posture shifted between negotiations with the Trump administration and blustery declarations about Iran's ability to produce a nuclear weapon 'on demand.' Under Khamenei's guidance, discussions about a new nuclear deal were in virtual deadlock as Iran insisted on maintaining enrichment activities, and the fundamental demands of the US is for a suspension of enrichment. For Khamenei, the prospect of 'giving up' on the nuclear program and enrichment—as demanded by the United States—would be tantamount to admitting defeat. His rhetoric, which had built the nuclear program into a cornerstone of national pride and resistance, made it almost impossible for him to back down without losing face. Yet, the path of insisting on maintaining the program could also lead to Iran's destruction, as the geopolitical situation rapidly deteriorated around him. Khamenei now faces a dire dilemma. To abandon the nuclear program would be to accept a humiliating defeat, one that would wipe away any political and ideological legitimacy he might have. But to persist in pursuing the nuclear option could bring ruin upon Iran, with catastrophic consequences for the Iranian people and all but certainly end the clerical despotism in Iran. The only thing he and his negotiating team seem to seek is a path that allows them to declare victory by claiming they have continued their enrichment activities while in fact they have abandoned it. Following the strikes conducted against Iranian nuclear facilities on Saturday, will the Trump administration wish to allow them a 'face saving' exit, and will Netanyahu be willing to stop attacking what is essence a defenseless Iranian regime? The people of Iran are collateral damage to a war they never bargained for. The only solution to Iran's nuclear crisis — and to the broader instability created by the regime's policies — is a democratic Iran. The Iranian people, particularly the brave women who have led protests against the regime, offer the greatest hope for genuine change. Iran's future should be determined by its people, not by foreign powers or by the dogmatic leadership of a failed regime. In the short term, the international community must halt the violence against the Iranian people and support democratic voices within Iran and the Iranian diaspora. Some leading Iranian artists and activists from Inside Iran and two Iranian noble laureates have issued statement saying no to war, no to enrichment, and no to the regime. The regime's hypocrisy and brutal tactics cannot be allowed to dictate the future of the country or bring about its destruction. In the long term, the world must prioritize a strategy that aids the Iranian people in overthrowing their oppressive rulers. A democratic Iran, free from the shackles of nuclear proliferation, holds the key to peace and stability in the Middle East. [Further reading: Trump's war without honour] Related
Yahoo
28-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Sporting tell interested clubs Gyökeres is not leaving for less than €80m
Viktor Gyökeres, here celebrating after Sporting won the Portuguese Cup, has scored 97 goals in 102 appearances for the club. Viktor Gyökeres, here celebrating after Sporting won the Portuguese Cup, has scored 97 goals in 102 appearances for the club. Photograph: Alexandre de Sousa/ZUMA Press Wire/Shutterstock Sporting have told interested clubs – including Arsenal – that Viktor Gyökeres will cost a fee of €80m (£67m), the Guardian understands. The Portuguese champions are prepared to cash in on Gyökeres, who has scored prolifically for them since his £20.5m move from Coventry in the summer of 2023. But although Sporting will not seek the full value of his €100m release clause, they have resolved to hold out for at least €80m. Advertisement The club's vice-president, Francisco Zenha, has said in the Portuguese media that he is yet to receive an offer for Gyökeres, who has three years to run on his contract. Arsenal are gearing up for a big summer and they want a new No 9, with Gyökeres on their wish-list. They have also followed the progress of RB Leipzig's Benjamin Sesko. Newcastle's Alexander Isak is out of reach. Gyökeres, who has admirers in all of Europe's top leagues, has been a sensation at Sporting, scoring 97 goals in 102 appearances in all competitions. The 26-year-old Sweden international has helped them to the league title in each of his seasons with them – and the Portuguese Cup in this past campaign.
Yahoo
22-05-2025
- Sport
- Yahoo
USMNT names Gold Cup training squad without Christian Pulisic and other stars
Mauricio Pochettino will be without some of the US's top players for the last tournament before the World Cup. Mauricio Pochettino will be without some of the US's top players for the last tournament before the World Cup. Photograph: Scott Coleman/ZUMA Press Wire/Shutterstock The US men's national team's pre-Gold Cup training camp roster does not include many of the team's biggest stars, including Christian Pulisic, Yunus Musah, Weston McKennie, Gio Reyna and Antonee Robinson. Some of the above absences were expected, as McKennie and Reyna will each be with their clubs as they compete in the Club World Cup, which takes place at the same time as the Gold Cup and for which Fifa has given clubs priority over national teams. Advertisement The absences of Pulisic, Musah, and Robinson are relative surprises, however. Pulisic, the US's best player and often the team's captain, is coming off the best club season of his career with Milan. However, that season has involved him playing 49 games in all competitions so far, with that total likely to reach 50 for the second consecutive year with an appearance in Milan's Serie A finale v Monza. An extended break over this summer would be Pulisic's first since 2023. 'Christian and his team approached the Federation and the coaching staff about the possibility of stepping back this summer, given the amount of matches he has played in the past two years at both the club and international level with very little break,' US Soccer sporting director Matt Crocker said in a statement provided to media. 'After thoughtful discussions and careful consideration, we made the collective decision that this is the right moment for him to get the rest he needs. The objective is to ensure he's fully prepared to perform at the highest level next season.' Related: Even with Coppa Italia loss, Christian Pulisic has had the best-ever season by an American man in Europe Robinson, meanwhile, is also coming off a heavy workload, playing full 90s in the vast majority of Fulham's games this season, in which he provided 10 assists from left back. He announced on Instagram in March that he has been dealing with tendinopathy, an overuse injury, for most of the last part of the season. Newcomers In place of the above are a collection of newcomers and less-experienced players that will seek to make an impression on head coach Muaricio Pochettino in the United States' final tournament competition before next year's World Cup on home soil. In terms of name recognition, the biggest among the inclusions is Sebastian Berhalter, the son of former US head coach Gregg Berhalter. The younger Berhalter has enjoyed a fine start to the MLS season, helping the Vancouver Whitecaps to an MLS-best start along with a run to the Concacaf Champions Cup final. Advertisement Also included are Orlando City's standout right back Alex Freeman (son of former Green Bay Packers wide receiver Antonio Freeman), FC Köln striker Damion Downs, and Philadelphia Union midfielder Quinn Sullivan. All of the above will be joining a US camp for the first time in their careers. Related: 'July BBQ written all over it': Do US Soccer's new kits hit the mark? Notable returns The roster is also notable for the inclusion of Sergiño Dest for the first time under Pochettino. Dest has only recently made his return to game action for PSV after time away due to an ACL tear. He will be the most experienced defender in the US camp aside from 37-year-old Tim Ream. Advertisement Also included after some time away are striker Folarin Balogun and midfielder Luca de la Torre, neither of whom had gotten the call to a US camp since September 2024. Fans will also be interested to see how midfielder Diego Luna fits in after some head-turning performances under Pochettino, starting in the Argentine's first camps as US head coach. Who will make the final cut? The training camp roster consists of 27 players, with Gold Cup regulations requiring a final roster size of between 23 and 26 players with at least three goalkeepers. In sum, that means at least one and up to four players will be trimmed from this list ahead of the June 4 deadline. The full squad is below: Advertisement Related: Nations League losses and sparse crowds have US momentum at low ebb USMNT 2025 Gold Cup training camp squad Goalkeepers: Matt Freese (New York City FC), Patrick Schulte (Columbus Crew), Zack Steffen (Colorado Rapids), Matt Turner (Crystal Palace) Defenders: Max Arfsten (Columbus Crew), Sergiño Dest (PSV Eindhoven), Alex Freeman (Orlando City), DeJuan Jones (San Jose Earthquakes), Mark McKenzie (Toulouse), Tim Ream (Charlotte FC), Chris Richards (Crystal Palace), Miles Robinson (FC Cincinnati) Midfielders: Brenden Aaronson (Leeds United); Tyler Adams (Bournemouth), Sebastian Berhalter (Vancouver Whitecaps), Johnny Cardoso (Real Betis), Luca de la Torre (San Diego FC), Diego Luna (Real Salt Lake), Jack McGlynn (Houston Dynamo), Quinn Sullivan (Philadelphia Union); Malik Tillman (PSV Eindhoven), Sean Zawadzki (Columbus Crew) Forwards: Patrick Agyemang (Charlotte FC), Folarin Balogun (Monaco); Damion Downs (FC Köln), Brian White (Vancouver Whitecaps), Haji Wright (Coventry City)
