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IOL News
a day ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Letters: Why would you want to listen to boring old Ramaphosa rattle on when there's thrilling Wimbledon on TV?
How tennis contrasts with corruption What did you do on Sunday evening, watch the exciting match between Sinner and Alcaraz in the Wimbledon final or listen to the same old drivel from President Cyril Ramaphosa? The showdown between Sinner and Alcaraz, world Number 1 and world number 2, was such a big contrast to the woman's final the previous day. Amanda Anisimova was left in tears when she was demolished by Polish star Iga Swiatek in two straight sets in just 57 minutes. The American didn't even win one game. In 114 years Wimbledon had not witnessed such a boring, one- sided game. Nevertheless credit must be given to the ruthless Swiatek who not only won her maiden Wimbledon title but also made history by becoming first Polish to win Wimbledon. But the men's final was a humdinger. Though Alcaraz fought like a matador he was out classed by the cool Italian, Jannik Sinner who held his nerve and won his first Wimbledon trophy. Now with Wimbledon dishing up such a mouth-watering clash who would want to spoil their Sunday evening and listen to the president's insipid address? Haven't we all heard it before? How many commissions, enquiries, dialogues, working committees and meetings must a country have? What's ironical and even annoying is that Ramaphosa is very particular about following correct procedure when it comes to bringing wayward ministers and officials to book yet his government is riven by mismanagement, inefficiency and corruption. How often correct procedure is not followed in the awarding of tenders and procurement? And what about him? Can the corrupt act against another corrupt? The accusations against the Minister of Police re serious and need action, not another long drawn out, expensive commission. Why couldn't he, for once, act decisively, call the two men, Police Minister Senzo Mchunu and KZN National Commissioner of Police Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, to his office, let them fight it out and then he, as the referee, dismiss the loser? If he could fire the DA's Deputy Trade Minister Andrew Whitfield for undertaking an unauthorised trip to the US why couldn't he do the same against Mchunu? It would save the country so much money. Now the taxpayer will have to pay two people for the same job, one acting and the other sitting at home twiddling thumbs. But he wants to pass the buck to a commission. It could end up like the Zondo Commission. Not that the Zondo Commission which cost R1 billion was a failure but no one implicated in state capture has yet been charged. What a waste of public money! \What is he a president for if cannot act decisively at crucial times? How we need a strong man at the top who will put the country first and act without fear or favour against the corrupt, not a dawdler like Ramaphosa! | Thyagaraj Markandan Kloof World hypocrisy stinks badly THIS is not war – this is industrial-scale slaughter carried out with foreign-backed money and weapons. Every bomb that reduces a Gaza neighbourhood to rubble carries the fingerprints of powerful nations, and every bullet that tears through a child's body was financed by taxpayers around the world. Our inaction is our signature on the execution tell us these are 'precision strikes', but where is the precision in bombing a refugee camp to kill one man and murdering 126 civilians instead? Where is the accuracy in shelling a UN school sheltering displaced families, leaving the walls painted with children's blood? These aren't military operations – they're extermination campaigns. Day after day, body bags are stacking higher as they methodically dismantle an entire people, house by house, school by school, life by 'self-defence' looks like this: Children butchered with shrapnel. Babies baked alive in incubators turned coffins. Elderly people shot in the face while surrendering. What defence needs to kill 15 000 children? What security requires bombing hospitals full of patients? What is happening in Gaza cannot be explained away with speeches or softened with political language, because there is nothing complex about dropping bombs on starving children, nothing confusing about blowing up hospitals, schools, and bakeries filled with families who have nowhere else to run, and nothing justifiable about destroying an entire population while claiming it is for security. In Rafah, Israeli bombs hit a tent camp filled with families who fled there because the Israeli Defence Forces told them it was 'safe'. The fire melted children alive. Rescue workers found babies cooked inside their mothers' arms, their tiny bodies fused together by the heat. This happened on May 26 last year. And all our leaders did was sanitise the bloodshed with press conference smiles. ' At Al-Shifa Hospital, doctors performed C-sections on dead women because the bombs came too fast to save them. In Jabalia, Israeli tanks rolled over wounded civilians begging for help, crushing them into the dirt like cockroaches. In Khan Younis, Israeli tanks bulldozed through residential blocks, crushing entire families as if they were debris. When survivors dug through the rubble days later, they found a mother clutching her three children, their bodies crushed together so tightly that rescuers had to bury them in a single grave. The world's hypocrisy stinks worse than Gaza's overflowing morgues. The same politicians who cried over Ukrainian children now justify Palestinian children's deaths. The same outlets that blast Kashmir's resistance are silent when Israel starves babies. This isn't deception – it's the open slaughter of equality, where racism decides which children get to dream and which ones get buried. Yumna Zahid Ali l Pakistan Dumping: cleaning up rivers not enough MANDELA Day is a time when individuals, companies, and institutions commit themselves to making a difference, often by dedicating 67 minutes to good deeds that benefit others. For the Department of Water and Sanitation (DWS), this day is an opportunity to take action through its annual Clear River Campaign, which mobilises efforts to clean rivers across the is the most valuable resource we have as humans; without it, we would not exist. It is crucial to keep our rivers and streams clear of pollutants and rubbish, as this has an adverse effect on the towns downstream. The Department of Water and Sanitation embarks on the Clear River Campaign annually to clean rivers but more importantly, to educate communities about not polluting the water resources. The campaign has been running for years, but it seems that annually, the same rivers that were cleaned the year prior still remain polluted by the nearby communities. While DWS continues to engage in public participation and awareness drives, the outcomes suggest that the message is not landing where it matters most. Community members frequently cite the failure of municipal waste collection services as a major reason for illegal dumping. If there is no accessible or consistent refuse removal, people feel they have no other option. The prescribed solution is for all spheres of government and communities to work together with the goal of ending pollution of rivers and streams. If dumping continues, the cost of cleaning polluted water places a heavy financial burden on water services providers, especially municipalities. Preventing pollution is not only more sustainable but also far more affordable than dealing with its consequences. Behaviours once learned are hard to unlearn. But progress is possible when we commit to consistent effort and collaboration. The Department of Water and Sanitation remains committed to the cause. It may not happen overnight, but with persistence and a shared vision, lasting change is within reach. | Larry Crisp Free State Department of Water and Sanitation DAILY NEWS
IOL News
2 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Are commissions in South Africa a tool for justice or a shield for corruption?
Chief Justice Raymond Zondo chaired the Judicial Commission into State Capture. The Zondo Commission's R1 billion inquiry yielded minimal prosecutions despite documenting R1.5 trillion in state capture. Image: Karen Sandison/African News Agency (ANA) FORMER EFF politician Mbuyiseni Ndlozi argues that a president cannot find anyone guilty, advocating instead for proper judicial commissions of inquiry, led by a judge, with strict timelines. He deems this 'proper' for a democracy. However, the subsequent analysis of South African commissions reveals how they often fall short of this ideal, instead perpetuating systemic violence and delaying justice. The Commissions Act, 1947 (Act No 8 of 1947), used for inquiries such as the Zondo Commission on State Capture, originated under British colonial rule. This embedded a legalistic façade for systemic violence. It enabled apartheid-era inquiries, such as the Hefer Commission (2003) and Donen Commission (2002), which probed 'financial irregularities' while ignoring Black suffering under racial capitalism. Like colonial inquests pathologising indigenous resistance, modern commissions prioritise bureaucratic order over human dignity. Tebogo Thobejane's condemnation: 'No mention of the lack of protection… left to fight alone,' echoes this centuries-old erasure. After surviving an assassination attempt, she now navigates a trial process offering legal theatrics, not safety. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading Commissions ritually harvest victim trauma while withholding redress. The Marikana Commission (2012) gathered 641 days of testimony from widows of massacred miners, yet delivered no prosecutions or timely reparations. This pattern repeats in Thobejane's case as her ex-boyfriend's corruption trial expands while her paralysed friend remains unsupported. Similarly, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) heard 21 000 victims' testimonies but granted amnesty to 1 500 perpetrators, providing only nominal reparations. This dynamic inherits colonial evidence-gathering: Black pain becomes archival fodder, catalogued and then discarded. As Thobejane noted, President Cyril Ramaphosa's speeches often overlook victims, reducing their experiences to procedural footnotes. Commission structures inherently protect power networks. The Mokgoro Commission (2018) and Ginwala Inquiry (2007) scrutinised prosecutors threatening political elites under the NPA Act. Inquiries into police violence, such as those in Khayelitsha (2012), operated with weaker mandates. This bifurcation mirrors colonial divide-and-rule tactics, ensuring accountability often evaporates. The Zondo Commission's R1 billion inquiry, for instance, yielded minimal prosecutions despite documenting R1.5 trillion in state capture. Victims like Thobejane experience justice as temporary violence, marked by endless postponements while perpetrators retain influence. Ramaphosa's latest commission of inquiry investigating the now suspended chief of police, Senzo Mchunu, offers suspension, not prosecution. Judicial appointments cloak commissions in false objectivity. Retired judges like Judge Ian Farlam (Marikana) and Seriti (Arms Deal) lent legitimacy to inquiries that ultimately shielded the interests of the state and corporations. The President's latest 'independent commission' further demonstrates how these bodies often obscure underlying political complexities and power struggles. This legal theatre pathologises victims: Marikana miners were framed as 'illegal strikers', while Thobejane's assault became a tabloid spectacle. Colonial inquiries similarly recast resistance as deviance, using statutes to sanctify state violence. When commissions centre perpetrators' due process over victims' safety, they enact 'racial terror through bureaucracy'. The TRC's unresolved legacy continues to haunt contemporary commissions. Thirty years later, only 137 of its recommended prosecutions have been investigated, while apartheid-era cases like the Cradock Four murders remain in legal limbo. Nomonde Calata's tears at a 2025 inquest echo her 1996 TRC testimony, testifying to the commission's broken promises. Thobejane's demand for 'accountability and support' confronts this cycle; her ex-boyfriend faces new charges while his police and political connections remain intact. Reparations remain theoretical: TRC victims received a single payment of R30 000 each, while Marikana families await R1 billion in compensation. This reflects colonialism's core calculus: human suffering indexed against fiscal 'pragmatism'. Breaking this machinery requires centring victims as architects, not evidence. Unlike Ramaphosa's commissions, a transformative approach would enforce existing recommendations: implementing the Khayelitsha Commission's 2012 police reforms, funding TRC-mandated educational reparations, and prosecuting the network of Thobejane's ex-boyfriend beyond his hitmen. Thobejane's couragec — demanding protection while testifying — sets a model for this agency. Yet, without dismantling the Commissions Act and colonial-era legalisms, inquiries remain stone fortresses where violence is ritualised, not remedied. South Africa remains fractured by inequality, a landscape where commissions consecrate state power while the vulnerable fight alone in the ruins. Siyayibanga le economy! * Siyabonga Hadebe is an independent commentator based in Geneva on socio-economic, political and global matters. ** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL. 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IOL News
3 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Ramaphosa's Police Corruption Inquiry: Will This One Deliver?
President Cyril Ramaphosa has announced a new judicial commission to investigate deep-rooted dysfunction within the police. Will this inquiry finally uncover the truth and lead to meaningful change? Image: GCIS When President Cyril Ramaphosa announced yet another judicial commission this time to investigate deep-rooted dysfunction within the police the question wasn't whether the truth would emerge. It was whether anything would change. We've been here before. The Zondo Commission laid bare the full extent of state capture, naming names, exposing networks, and recommending sweeping reforms. Yet years later, South Africans are still asking: How far have we come in implementing those recommendations? Why are so many still waiting for justice, restitution, or real reform? Now, following bombshell revelations by KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi who courageously exposed rot, political interference, and operational decay at SAPS's heart we're again placing hope in a judicial commission. But hard questions demand answers. Will this be another toothless inquiry, destined to produce a glossy report and little else? Will Mkhwanazi be supported or scapegoated? Will the public be engaged or merely placated? Most importantly: What will make this commission succeed where so many have failed? Judicial commissions have become our default crisis response. From ethics violations to public trust deficits, policymakers reflexively turn to them as proof of action. Yet government shelves already groan under dust covered reports that achieved little beyond symbolism. The issue isn't whether we need judicial commissions, whether we'll finally design ones built to deliver results rather than rhetoric. The first fatal flaw plaguing most commissions is what I call the accountability paradox: they're granted impressive investigative powers but no enforcement muscle. They excel at exposing problems less so at fixing them. Truly effective commissions transcend "fact-finding" missions to wield binding powers that compel reform. South Africa's own Judicial Service Commission, established in 1994, exemplifies this approach. Beyond overseeing judicial appointments, it enforces ethical conduct through transparent processes public interviews, inclusive representation that helped rebuild trust in our post-apartheid judiciary. Contrast this with advisory only commissions, which quickly become political footballs: praised by supporters, dismissed by opponents, and ultimately relegated to ceremonial irrelevance. Political independence isn't a luxury it's an existential requirement. Across the globe, commissioners have been dismissed or marginalized when their findings threatened powerful interests. South Africa cannot afford this pattern. Genuine independence demands three non-negotiables: Fixed tenure with narrow removal criteria. Commissioners should face dismissal only for serious misconduct or incapacity, requiring supermajority votes or judicial review never political convenience. Secure, dedicated funding. Like courts themselves, commissions must be shielded from budgetary manipulation. Multi-year funding commitments prevent political retaliation through fiscal strangulation. Balanced, credible composition. Legal insiders alone cannot carry reform's burden. The most effective commissions blend judges, attorneys, scholars, and informed public voices in carefully calibrated proportions that reflect society's diversity while maintaining professional credibility. Too many commissions operate behind coverings of secrecy, undermining the very trust they aim to rebuild. In our digital age, opacity isn't just outdated, it's counterproductive to reform goals. Successful commissions embrace radical transparency through: Open hearings where confidentiality permits, inviting public observation Real-time publication of commission activities, findings, and rationales Accessible communication that translates legal complexity into public understanding Proactive engagement with communities, not just legal elites This transparency doesn't compromise integrity, strengthens legitimacy by demonstrating accountability in action. Even visionary recommendations prove worthless without robust follow-through. Reform graveyards overflow with brilliant ideas that never escaped paper. To avoid this fate, effective commissions must: Establish statutory timelines. Vague recommendations enable indefinite delay. Specific deadlines and milestones create pressure for action while enabling progress measurement. Maintain post-report oversight. Commissions shouldn't dissolve upon publication; they should retain monitoring authority to track implementation and publicly highlight foot-dragging. Secure early stakeholder buy-in. Judges, court administrators, civil society, and affected communities should participate from inception, building implementation coalitions rather than resistance movements. Include resource allocation plans. Proposals without funding mechanisms remain wishful thinking. Successful commissions provide detailed cost analyses and financing strategies as integral recommendation components. Judicial commissions don't operate in political vacuums. Effective reform requires understanding of the political ecosystem, not surrendering to it. Strategic considerations include: Cross-party leadership. Single-party commissions face inevitable credibility challenges. Bipartisan endorsement creates broader political investment in success. Thoughtful pacing. While comprehensive reform may be ideal, incremental progress often proves more sustainable than revolutionary proposals triggering massive political backlash. Coalition building. Courts serve everyone. Successful commissions cultivate support extending beyond traditional legal circles to include business groups, civil rights organizations, and other stakeholders invested in judicial effectiveness. Evidence shows that transformative judicial commissions share critical characteristics distinguishing them from failed counterparts: They possess clear mandates with measurable objectives rather than aspirational vagueness. They maintain operational independence through structural protections, not ceremonial declarations. They embrace transparency as a strategy, not liability. They design enforcement mechanisms from the outset rather than hoping for voluntary compliance. Most crucially, they understand that judicial reform ultimately concerns public trust. In an era of declining institutional confidence, commissions that enhance rather than undermine faith in courts serve democracy's fundamental needs. South Africa doesn't lack judicial reform ideas. What's missing is the resolve to implement what experience teaches works. Lieutenant General Mkhwanazi's revelations present both crisis and opportunity. His courage in exposing institutional decay deserves support, not scapegoating. The commission investigating his allegations must be structured for success, not designed for bureaucratic theater. This moment demands more than good intentions. It requires structural clarity, political courage, and unwavering commitment to transparency and public interest. The blueprint for commission success exists, drawn from both our own experience and the best international practices. The only remaining question is whether we possess wisdom and the will to follow it. The stakes couldn't be higher. Public trust in our institutions hangs in the balance. We can continue the cycle of well-intentioned commissions producing impressive reports that gather dust, or we can finally build one designed to deliver the accountability and reform our democracy desperately democracy. Nyaniso Qwesha
IOL News
4 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Trending: He's wasting our time & money, isn't fit to be president and never delivers
The country's leader is being roundly lambasted and pilloried for his speech on Sunday night: @Razor896 President Cyril Ramaphosa fired a Deputy Minister for going on a international trip without his permission but fails to fire a Minster accused of working with criminals. Streets are calling us. @Constitution_94 Two salaries Two Police Ministers Full benefits to both Taxpayers are screwed Ramaphosa must take a leave of absence himself @ChrisExcel102 The Zondo Commission cost the country R1.5 trillion and no one was arrested … Ramaphosa doesn't take us seriously. @AfricaisBlack When Kenya's President Ruto disrespected Kenyans, the youth organized themselves, without any political party's leadership, and took to the streets. Now, Cyril Ramaphosa has disrespected us to the core! #PeoplePower. #Accountability @NalaThokozane President Cyril Ramaphosa goes down in history as the most indecisive leader to ever lead South Africa. @bxnzow Yoh guys, this country can't survive another decade with President Cyril Ramaphosa and his comrades. @SdizoRSA President Cyril Ramaphosa, commission will take time while at the end, nothing will happen, the only thing will get is 20 text books (printed copies of the report) again. @LeratoPillayZA Ramaphosa is not fit to be a President. @Shadaya_Knight Many South Africans are disappointed with Cyril Ramaphosa's lack of action against corruption allegations on Senzo Mchunu by General Mkwananzi. It shows how a lot of people don't understand politicians, they're all the same, they will protect each other over the greater good of the country Worldwide it's the same, politicians only care about power not justice. Whatever differences they have, they all agree on one thing – power over everything else. Stop putting any hope in politicians, you'll always be disappointed. @sadi_mosadi I'm afraid we underestimate President Ramaphosa's ability to give us nothing. @PhilMphela President Cyril Ramaphosa has been given so many opportune moments to rise to the occasion, to become THAT GUY, to change the narrative, to be the leader the nation has pined for, the one who will go against the grain ... But, alas, time after time, he disappoints. His will be, like all his ilk, a tenure that served the interest of the individual and the few rather than the nation, as we all hoped for post 1994. What was all that? @tsheko2020 President Cyril Ramaphosa could have addressed us via wasted our time. DAILY NEWS
IOL News
4 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Another Commission? Mr President, Did You Forget Zondo?
President Cyril Ramaphosa announces a new commission to investigate law enforcement failings, but with over R2 billion spent on the Zondo Commission already, many South Africans are left questioning the need for yet another inquiry. Image: GCIS On Sunday night, President Cyril Ramaphosa announced the establishment of yet another commission — this time to investigate the failings of law enforcement agencies. But South Africans have every right to ask: Did no one in the Union Buildings remind him that we already spent over R2 billion on the Zondo Commission to uncover exactly this? Zondo Already Warned Us The Commission of Inquiry into State Capture, chaired by Chief Justice Raymond Zondo, spent nearly four years documenting how corruption hollowed out our public institutions — and how law enforcement and intelligence agencies were deliberately weakened to enable it. Zondo's report didn't simply expose corruption. It laid bare how SAPS, the NPA, and the State Security Agency (SSA) were systematically captured to protect looters and punish whistleblowers. This wasn't just administrative failure — it was strategic sabotage. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Clear Recommendations Were Already Made Zondo made detailed, practical, and urgent recommendations: Reform and strengthen law enforcement and intelligence services End political interference in senior appointments Restore independence and credibility to oversight institutions Prosecute those implicated in state capture These recommendations weren't vague. They were actionable. And yet, they have largely been ignored. Why Are We Paying for Déjà Vu? Instead of implementing the Zondo Commission's findings, government has chosen repetition over reform. What is this new commission going to tell us that Zondo didn't already reveal? We don't need more talk. We need consequences. We need a functioning justice system that doesn't bend to political power. We need prosecutions that don't take ten years. We need a President who acts — not one who commissions. Commissions Are Not Accountability Let's be clear: real reform means acting on what we already know. Real accountability means putting the corrupt behind bars — not creating more platforms for media statements and photo ops. South Africans are exhausted by inquiry fatigue. We want results. We want justice. Start with Accountability at the Top If the President truly wants to restore public trust, perhaps he should begin by putting his own Minister of Justice and senior advisors on special leave — for failing to implement Zondo's recommendations, and for failing to warn him that this new commission is a political embarrassment. Accountability doesn't begin with a new commission. It begins with consequences. Tahir Maepa writes with over R2 billion spent on the Zondo Commission already, many South Africans are left questioning the need for yet another inquiry. Image: Supplied / Tahir Maepa * Tahir Maepa, Secretary General – Public Service and Commercial Union of South Africa (PSCU), Founder – Resistance Against Impunity Movement (RAIM) NPC. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.
