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Congressmen "So Disgusted With Sanjay Gandhi That...": Indira Gandhi Aide In Book
Congressmen "So Disgusted With Sanjay Gandhi That...": Indira Gandhi Aide In Book

NDTV

time23-06-2025

  • Politics
  • NDTV

Congressmen "So Disgusted With Sanjay Gandhi That...": Indira Gandhi Aide In Book

New Delhi: As principal secretary to Indira Gandhi in the run up to the Emergency and during her authoritarian regime of 21 months, PN Dhar had a rare insight into the goings-on of the period, and one central character who gets the most unflattering portrayal in his otherwise sober account of the era is the former prime minister's younger son Sanjay Gandhi. In his book 'Indira Gandhi, the Emergency, and Indian Democracy', Mr Dhar says the PMH (Prime Minister's Home) became a hive of "extra-constitutional" activities as leaders junior in the Congress hierarchy but having the ears of an increasingly distrustful prime minister and another set of functionaries loyal to her son undermined the PMS (Prime Minister's Secretariat). Critical of the power centralised in the PMS, Morarji Desai reduced its strength and rechristened it as Prime Minister's Office, a moniker which has continued, after replacing Indira Gandhi. Sanjay Gandhi and his loyalists like Haryana leader Bansi Lal gained ascendency in the Congress during the era. Even the prime minister was left alarmed by their move to have state assemblies pass resolutions in support of forming a constituent assembly for sweeping changes in the Constitution. Aware of her obsessive love for Sanjay Gandhi, Mr Dhar said in the book published in 2000 that he would normally have attributed all this to temporary annoyance. "But it was more than a passing mood this time. I knew how carefully she had kept Sanjay out of all discussions on constitutional reforms. I also knew how much she had resented the passage of the constituent assembly resolutions by the three assemblies without her knowledge, but with Sanjay's approval. Was Sanjay proving too wild even for her?" he wondered. He said the main purpose of the constituent assembly appeared to be continuing the Emergency regime and postponing elections. Bansi Lal told Mr Dhar that it would be to make "behan ji" (Indira Gandhi) president for life. When the Congress suffered a stunning loss in the March 1977 elections after the Emergency was lifted, Delhi turned into a "vast whispering gallery" echoing with stories of Indira Gandhi's alleged crimes and the plans of the Janata Party, which had won a majority, to destroy her and Sanjay Gandhi. She was more worried about Sanjay Gandhi and found herself isolated in her own family. "Rajiv had no sympathy for his brother. He came to see me, very concerned about his mother and full of anger against his brother. He said he had been a helpless observer of his brother's doings," Dhar writes. He said the Congress' defeat in the Gujarat assembly elections, which were held after the assembly was dissolved following student protests over a host of issues including corruption, and the Allahabad High Court's decision to disqualify Indira Gandhi from the Lok Sabha on the same day in June 1975 paved the way for the declaration of Emergency as the Jayaprakash Narayan-led opposition "cast off all restraint" to oust her. He said, "Indira Gandhi withdrew into her lonely self. At the moment of her supreme political crisis, she distrusted everybody except her younger son Sanjay." Sanjay Gandhi disliked his mother's colleagues and aides who had opposed his Maruti car project, or had otherwise not taken him seriously, Mr Dhar said. "He knew he would get into serious trouble if his mother were not around to protect him. For all her childhood insecurities, Indira Gandhi had compensated, one should say over-compensated, her sons, particularly Sanjay, with love and care. She was blind to his shortcomings. Her concern for Sanjay's future well-being was not an inconsiderable factor in her fateful decision," Mr Dhar said. Indira Gandhi, he added, accepted the self-serving opinion of her party colleagues that the JP-led opposition's attacks on them were really attacks on her. The Communist Party of India, her ally during the Emergency, had dubbed JP's agitation as a fascist movement supported by the US, a theory she embraced as she decided to suspend democracy, jail opposition leaders and censor the press to continue her rule. In the book written with a distance afforded to bureaucrats, no leading figure associated with the Emergency who comes in contact with Mr Dhar comes out an unblemished hero, not even the venerable JP, whose call for 'Sampoorna Kranti' (total revolution) and mass agitation for removing duly elected Congress governments in states and the Centre are questioned for their defiance of the rule of law and constitutional democracy. However, the leadership of JP, as Jayaprakash Narayan was often called, was instrumental in galvanising popular sentiments against Indira Gandhi as his role in the Quit India Movement had cast him in a heroic mould and his rejection of Jawaharlal Nehru's offer of a Cabinet post gave him high moral stature in a country where renunciation of power is held in high esteem, Mr Dhar noted. Soon after extending the tenure of the fifth Lok Sabha for another year till February 1978 on November 1976, Indira Gandhi was shown by Mr Dhar a report of "extreme coercion" inflicted on a group of school teachers for not fulfilling their sterilisation quota, one of the five-point programmes of Sanjay Gandhi beyond the 20-point programme of her government. "She fell silent after reading it. This was the first time she did not dismiss such allegations as false as had become her habit. After a long pause, she asked me in a tired voice how long I thought the Emergency should continue," he said. "Odd as it might seem, some Congressmen who believed that their party would lose in the elections also supported the idea of holding them. "They were so disgusted with Sanjay and his associates that they did not hesitate to tell his mother the opposite of what they believed would be the outcome of the elections," he added. Mr Dhar wrote that he invited the then chief election commissioner on January 1, 1977, for tea at home and took him into confidence for holding elections. The delighted CEC sent him a bottle of whiskey in the evening. On January 18, 1977, Gandhi announced that the Lok Sabha had been dissolved and fresh elections would be held two months later, leaving the opposition, people and the press stunned.

Was Sanjay proving too wild even for Indira Gandhi: Former PM's principal secretary in book
Was Sanjay proving too wild even for Indira Gandhi: Former PM's principal secretary in book

New Indian Express

time23-06-2025

  • Politics
  • New Indian Express

Was Sanjay proving too wild even for Indira Gandhi: Former PM's principal secretary in book

NEW DELHI: As principal secretary to Indira Gandhi in the run up to the Emergency and during her authoritarian regime of 21 months, P N Dhar had a rare insight into the goings-on of the period, and one central character who gets the most unflattering portrayal in his otherwise sober account of the era is the former prime minister's younger son Sanjay Gandhi. In his book, Indira Gandhi, the Emergency, and Indian Democracy, Dhar says the PMH (Prime Minister's Home) became a hive of "extra-constitutional" activities as leaders junior in the Congress hierarchy but having the ears of an increasingly distrustful prime minister and another set of functionaries loyal to her son undermined the PMS (Prime Minister's Secretariat). Critical of the power centralised in the PMS, Morarji Desai reduced its strength and rechristened it as Prime Minister's Office, a moniker which has continued, after replacing Indira Gandhi. Sanjay Gandhi and his loyalists like Haryana leader Bansi Lal gained ascendency in the Congress during the era. Even the prime minister was left alarmed by their move to have state assemblies pass resolutions in support of forming a constituent assembly for sweeping changes in the Constitution. Aware of her obsessive love for Sanjay Gandhi, Dhar said in the book published in 2000 that he would normally have attributed all this to temporary annoyance. "But it was more than a passing mood this time. I knew how carefully she had kept Sanjay out of all discussions on constitutional reforms. I also knew how much she had resented the passage of the constituent assembly resolutions by the three assemblies without her knowledge, but with Sanjay's approval. Was Sanjay proving too wild even for her?" he wondered. He said the main purpose of the constituent assembly appeared to be continuing the Emergency regime and postponing elections. Bansi Lal told Dhar that it would be to make "behan ji" (Indira Gandhi) president for life.

Was Sanjay proving too wild even for Indira Gandhi, asks former PM's principal secretary in book
Was Sanjay proving too wild even for Indira Gandhi, asks former PM's principal secretary in book

Time of India

time23-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Time of India

Was Sanjay proving too wild even for Indira Gandhi, asks former PM's principal secretary in book

Live Events (You can now subscribe to our (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel As principal secretary to Indira Gandhi in the run up to the Emergency and during her authoritarian regime of 21 months, P N Dhar had a rare insight into the goings-on of the period, and one central character who gets the most unflattering portrayal in his otherwise sober account of the era is the former prime minister 's younger son Sanjay Gandhi In his book 'Indira Gandhi, the Emergency, and Indian Democracy ', Dhar says the PMH (Prime Minister's Home) became a hive of "extra-constitutional" activities as leaders junior in the Congress hierarchy but having the ears of an increasingly distrustful prime minister and another set of functionaries loyal to her son undermined the PMS (Prime Minister's Secretariat).Critical of the power centralised in the PMS, Morarji Desai reduced its strength and rechristened it as Prime Minister's Office, a moniker which has continued, after replacing Indira Gandhi and his loyalists like Haryana leader Bansi Lal gained ascendency in the Congress during the era. Even the prime minister was left alarmed by their move to have state assemblies pass resolutions in support of forming a constituent assembly for sweeping changes in the of her obsessive love for Sanjay Gandhi, Dhar said in the book published in 2000 that he would normally have attributed all this to temporary annoyance."But it was more than a passing mood this time. I knew how carefully she had kept Sanjay out of all discussions on constitutional reforms. I also knew how much she had resented the passage of the constituent assembly resolutions by the three assemblies without her knowledge, but with Sanjay's approval. Was Sanjay proving too wild even for her?" he said the main purpose of the constituent assembly appeared to be continuing the Emergency regime and postponing elections. Bansi Lal told Dhar that it would be to make "behan ji" (Indira Gandhi) president for the Congress suffered a stunning loss in the March 1977 elections after the Emergency was lifted, Delhi turned into a "vast whispering gallery" echoing with stories of Indira Gandhi's alleged crimes and the plans of the Janata Party, which had won a majority, to destroy her and Sanjay was more worried about Sanjay Gandhi and found herself isolated in her own family."Rajiv had no sympathy for his brother. He came to see me, very concerned about his mother and full of anger against his brother. He said he had been a helpless observer of his brother's doings," Dhar said the Congress' defeat in the Gujarat assembly elections, which were held after the assembly was dissolved following student protests over a host of issues including corruption, and the Allahabad High Court 's decision to disqualify Indira Gandhi from the Lok Sabha on the same day in June 1975 paved the way for the declaration of Emergency as the Jayaprakash Narayan-led opposition "cast off all restraint" to oust said, "Indira Gandhi withdrew into her lonely self. At the moment of her supreme political crisis, she distrusted everybody except her younger son Sanjay."Sanjay Gandhi disliked his mother's colleagues and aides who had opposed his Maruti car project, or had otherwise not taken him seriously, Dhar said."He knew he would get into serious trouble if his mother were not around to protect him. For all her childhood insecurities, Indira Gandhi had compensated, one should say over-compensated, her sons, particularly Sanjay, with love and care. She was blind to his shortcomings. Her concern for Sanjay's future well-being was not an inconsiderable factor in her fateful decision," Dhar Gandhi, he added, accepted the self-serving opinion of her party colleagues that the JP-led opposition's attacks on them were really attacks on Communist Party of India, her ally during the Emergency, had dubbed JP's agitation as a fascist movement supported by the US, a theory she embraced as she decided to suspend democracy, jail opposition leaders and censor the press to continue her the book written with a distance afforded to bureaucrats, no leading figure associated with the Emergency who comes in contact with Dhar comes out an unblemished hero, not even the venerable JP, whose call for 'Sampoorna Kranti' (total revolution) and mass agitation for removing duly elected Congress governments in states and the Centre are questioned for their defiance of the rule of law and constitutional the leadership of JP, as Jayaprakash Narayan was often called, was instrumental in galvanising popular sentiments against Indira Gandhi as his role in the Quit India Movement had cast him in a heroic mould and his rejection of Jawaharlal Nehru's offer of a Cabinet post gave him high moral stature in a country where renunciation of power is held in high esteem, Dhar after extending the tenure of the fifth Lok Sabha for another year till February 1978 on November 1976, Indira Gandhi was shown by Dhar a report of "extreme coercion" inflicted on a group of school teachers for not fulfilling their sterilisation quota, one of the five-point programmes of Sanjay Gandhi beyond the 20-point programme of her government."She fell silent after reading it. This was the first time she did not dismiss such allegations as false as had become her habit. After a long pause, she asked me in a tired voice how long I thought the Emergency should continue," he said."Odd as it might seem, some Congressmen who believed that their party would lose in the elections also supported the idea of holding them."They were so disgusted with Sanjay and his associates that they did not hesitate to tell his mother the opposite of what they believed would be the outcome of the elections," he wrote that he invited the then chief election commissioner on January 1, 1977, for tea at home and took him into confidence for holding delighted CEC sent him a bottle of whiskey in the evening. On January 18, 1977, Gandhi announced that the Lok Sabha had been dissolved and fresh elections would be held two months later, leaving the opposition, people and the press stunned.

Did Indira Gandhi Really Ignore Richard Nixon's Call During 1971 India-Pakistan War?
Did Indira Gandhi Really Ignore Richard Nixon's Call During 1971 India-Pakistan War?

News18

time13-05-2025

  • Politics
  • News18

Did Indira Gandhi Really Ignore Richard Nixon's Call During 1971 India-Pakistan War?

Last Updated: To verify this claim, one must examine historical sources, declassified US documents and credible archival records for a clearer picture of what truly transpired The latest India-Pakistan conflict has renewed interest in the previous wars fought between the two rivals, especially the 1971 war that led to the creation of Bangladesh. Before the 1971 war broke out, then US President Richard Nixon warned India against taking military action. During a meeting with Nixon and his Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, then Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi reportedly felt insulted and walked out. Amid the recent India-Pakistan escalation, a claim has resurfaced on social media suggesting that Indira Gandhi also ignored a phone call from Nixon. Some posts claim the US President calls her four times in 16 days but she refused to speak to him. The story, which has circulated for years, adds a dramatic layer to the narrative of India's defiance against American pressure. To verify the truth behind this claim, it is essential to explore historical sources, declassified documents, and credible records. What Do US Documents Say? In 2005, the US State Department declassified taped conversations between Nixon and Kissinger from the period leading up to the 1971 war. These records contain no explicit mention of Nixon personally calling Indira Gandhi or her refusing to take his call. Most communication between the two leaders occurred through formal letters and diplomatic channels. For instance, Indira Gandhi wrote to Nixon on December 12, 1971, a letter recently highlighted by senior Congress leader Jairam Ramesh in a social media post. On the other hand, Indira Gandhi's advisor PN Dhar noted in his book Indira Gandhi, The Emergency, and Indian Democracy that the PM was deeply engaged in meetings with military commanders and diplomats. Given the wartime urgency, he wrote, any call from Nixon would not have been treated as a priority. Indira Gandhi May Have Delayed Calls To Avoid Confrontation According to biographer Katherine Frank in Indira : The Life of Indira Nehru Gandhi, Indira Gandhi was aware of Nixon's hostility and may have deliberately delayed communication to avoid a direct confrontation. A Symbol Of Indira Gandhi's Unyielding Stand Historian Gary J Bass, in his acclaimed book The Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger and a Forgotten Genocide, wrote that Nixon was furious India refused to yield to his threats. Whether Indira Gandhi ignored his calls or simply delayed responding remains debated, but many believe that her perceived defiance became a lasting symbol of her firm and uncompromising leadership. Indira Gandhi's Defiance Became A Symbol Of Strength Whether or not the phone call incident actually occurred, it became a symbol of Indira Gandhi's resolve during the 1971 war. Political commentators have argued that it reflected her refusal to bow to US pressure and highlighted India's growing strategic confidence, strengthened by the Soviet Union treaty. While there is no concrete evidence she ignored Nixon's calls, it's clear she resisted American pressure. Many see this episode as emblematic of India's assertive foreign policy and Indira Gandhi's unshakable leadership. The crisis in East Pakistan, marked by severe repression and a mass refugee movement into India, prompted Indira Gandhi to take the bold step of declaring war on Pakistan in December 1971. This led to a swift 13-day conflict, resulting in the creation of Bangladesh. Many believe that the world, especially the United States, was taken aback by her resolve, having underestimated her determination and believing their threats would deter her. Despite US pressure, it was reported that Gandhi remained steadfast, reshaping the region's geopolitical landscape and reinforcing India's independent foreign policy. First Published:

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