Latest news with #anti-Mexican
USA Today
22-06-2025
- Politics
- USA Today
Are Latin American travelers still coming to the US for vacations?
Even though Karen Aguayo lives in central Mexico – a short flight away from the United States – she has yet to visit, and has no plans to. The 35-year-old Mexican national was hoping to make her first trip to the U.S. this year to visit her uncle, and even has a visa to visit the country. However, given the political climate, it feels like too much of a gamble for her safety. She went to Italy instead. Under President Donald Trump's flurry of executive orders signed in January, the goal was to "strengthen national security," including cracking down on immigration, increasing scrutiny at our borders, and imposing a travel ban on numerous countries. Earlier this year, the president also ignited a trade war between the U.S. and China, Mexico, Europe and Canada when he announced a skyrocket in tariffs – a move that upset nationals. 'Don't know how we should behave': Is the US South LGBTQ friendly? Aguayo said she's worried about being denied entry at the airport, along with how she may be treated while in the U.S., such as possible anti-Mexican sentiment. "It's not only me, I believe that many people think the same. They'd rather feel welcome in other countries," said Aguayo, who posts videos about travel in Mexico on her YouTube channel La Karencita. "Now I'm in Europe because I feel that people are more open to make you feel welcome and safe; nothing happens here." Since Trump's inauguration it feels like conflict and policies within the U.S. have been constantly changing, Aguayo said. "Maybe this is not the time to go." A recent example that deters her from visiting is the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids that swept through the greater Los Angeles area in response to Trump's vow of 1 million annual deportations of undocumented immigrants. Subsequent days-long protests against ICE escalated into violence between law enforcement and demonstrators, resulting in the president deploying the U.S. National Guard. While some Latin Americans are moving forward with their trips to the U.S., others are holding back due to safety concerns, a potentially hostile atmosphere or disagreement over the volatile political landscape under the Trump administration. A slowdown from this group of travelers could have a lasting impact on the U.S. economy. The U.S. has long been a popular destination for Latin Americans, with Mexico standing out as the second-largest demographic of visitor arrivals after Canada and contributing to an estimated $21 billion toward the American economy in 2018, according to the U.S. Travel Association. These travelers pausing their U.S. visits aren't swearing off the U.S. forever, but their hesitation shows the country's current political actions aren't going unnoticed. Latin American travelers conflicted over US travel Although some Latin American travelers are reconsidering visiting the U.S., many continue with their travel plans, especially Mexican nationals. Arrival and Departure Information System (ADIS) data between March 2024 and 2025 for Mexican arrivals to the U.S. showed a growth of 14.9% – comprising 26.7% of international visitors to the country, just slightly under Canadians. According to Expedia, many of the top U.S. destinations are still popular with Mexican travelers. For travel between May and June 30, lodging searches by Mexican nationals focused on cities like New York, Las Vegas, San Diego, Anaheim and Orlando. Emerging destinations showing increased interest include Charlotte, San Jose, Atlanta, Fort Lauderdale and Fort Worth. For the same travel period, airfare to the U.S. from Mexico is averaging below $575, with fluctuations depending on the arrival state. In some parts of Latin America, travel to the U.S. is on the decline. Although data from the National Travel and Tourism Office's International Visitor Arrivals Program (ADIS) shows U.S. travel demand for 2025 remains strong in countries like Brazil and Argentina, overall visitor numbers from South and Central America have dropped. From this past March to last, South American arrivals decreased by around 6% and over 35% for the Central Americans. 'We are seeing varying trends in demand for US travel across Latin America," the online booking platform Skyscanner said in a statement. "What we do know is that since the pandemic travelers are more engaged with travel warnings and advisories and these will likely influence demand." 'Everything is changing so fast' Alan Estrada, a 44-year-old Mexican travel content creator who shares his journeys under Alan Around the World, frequently travels to the U.S. for work. He recently attended the opening of the new theme park Epic Universe in Orlando and was also in Washington, D.C., earlier this month for the World Pride Music Festival. In July, the Mexico City-based traveler will visit New York for an event with one of his sponsors. Most of Estrada's U.S. visits are for work reasons, and he said he doesn't have any upcoming leisure trips planned. This is not only due to tensions like the ICE riots, but also the potential for other U.S. issues to escalate, like involvement in the war between Israel and Iran. "I'm not saying I won't do it," he said about going to the U.S. for pleasure. It's just that now is not the right time, he said. Although he's never had any issues with immigration, border control or hostility from Americans, the U.S. political landscape is on Estrada's radar. "Everything is changing so fast and can escalate from one day to another really, really quickly," said Estrada. "So, we have to be informed and aware all the time." About half of Estrada's audience is Mexican and most others live throughout Latin America. Lately, he's noticed a majority of comments on his social media channels and website – where people can call or email for travel advice – are about visiting the U.S. "There are some people in the comments saying like, 'is it safe to go to the U.S.' or 'please don't go to the U.S.,' depending on the political views of my followers," he said. "I can feel the people kind of worry a little bit about what's happening right now." Estrada believes the rise in concern comes from a mix of being more "cautious," disagreeing with American politics, and not finding the high price of travel to the U.S. to be worth it. As many situations remain unresolved, these travelers' decision to visit the U.S. is in the air. "The thing that I would need to see is not seeing people protesting because I think that's one sign that everything is getting uncomfortable, and not seeing the president talking about immigrants, about changing the rules," Aguayo, of La Karencita, said. Although Aguayo has never been to the U.S., it's not a priority for her either. In the meantime, she's content traveling the rest of the world.
Yahoo
12-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
There's nothing American about how Trump treats immigrants
President Trump has been itching to 'have troops everywhere' on American soil and is using immigrants to execute his plan. The Los Angeles immigration protests aren't an isolated incident but rather the eruption of Trump's carefully calibrated plot to incite anger and violence, which he can then exploit to militarize American streets. Authorities fired tear gas and rubber bullets at protesters over the weekend, and the images couldn't have played better for Trump. He immediately began framing the narrative as an insurrection that needed militarization to quash. Though many of the protests were peaceful, some protesters threw rocks at officers, set Waymo driverless taxis on fire, and yes, even dared to wave the Mexican flag during those intense moments. Trump seized on the war-zone-like selective imagery replayed by the press and social media users to deploy National Guard troops, a rare move but one that the president had been itching to use. Let's talk about how we got here and why this is Trump's calculated plot from the get-go, framing Mexicans as criminals and rapists. That anti-Mexican and border-hawk sentiment grew into dehumanizing foreigners as 'animals' and 'vermin' that are 'poisoning our blood.' This kind of rhetoric isn't just vile, it's an effective tool to get Americans angry and even egg on the use of federal troops to crack down on perceived enemies on U.S. soil. For months, Trump's border hawks have carefully choreographed media stunts of immigration agents arresting deportable migrants — those already with deportation orders. But those stunts hardly produced the millions of deportations that Trump promised to get reelected. To increase that number, Trump ended the protected status of hundreds of thousands of asylum seekers and set traps for those showing up to immigration court hearings. Want to arrest and deport criminals? Fair game. But trapping migrants as if it was some sort of hunting sport is despicable. The strategy is to drop migrants' cases while ICE agents wait for them outside the courtroom. They then arrest them and fast-track their deportation. I've been exasperated at the lack of coordinated response to this entrapment. There's nothing American about deploying masked men in full military gear to split defenseless families — men, women and children handcuffed for following the law and showing up in court as required. Only an idiot would be surprised to see the eruption in Los Angeles. Opinion: Democrats 'demand' answers on immigrant arrests. Kristi Noem chuckles I'll never promote violence. Nobody should. But in this case, I understand the anger and frustration. California authorities can handle the street protests, and if they don't, then it's their duty to ask for federal help. None of that happened. Trump arbitrarily invoked a U.S. Code on Armed Services to send the National Guard, bypassing the governor's authority. That code is used as a last resort if 'there is a rebellion or danger of a rebellion against the authority of the government of the United States.' There's no rebellion underway in Los Angeles. It's a protest against Trump's cruel immigration crackdown — and yes, it has turned violent. Want to talk about a rebellion? Then MAGA must also condemn Trump's own rebellion against the U.S. capitol in 2021, when he attempted to overturn election results and stay in power by force. That was a deadly direct attack against the U.S. government, not a street protest against policy. Taking to the streets to protest injustices is at the core of American principles. Without it, we don't have a country. Elvia Díaz is editorial page editor for The Arizona Republic and azcentral. Reach her at 602-444-8606 or Follow her on X, (formerly Twitter), @elviadiaz1. Like this column? Get more opinions in your email inbox by signing up for our free opinions newsletter, which publishes Monday through Friday. This article originally appeared on Arizona Republic: LA ICE protests are in Trump's plan to demonize immigrants | Opinion
Yahoo
09-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Trump didn't stop an insurrection in LA. He started it long ago
President Trump has been itching to 'have troops everywhere' on American soil and is using immigrants to execute his plan. The Los Angeles immigration protests aren't an isolated incident but rather the eruption of Trump's carefully calibrated plot to incite anger and violence, which he can then exploit to militarize American streets. Authorities fired tear gas and rubber bullets at protesters over the weekend, and the images couldn't have played better for Trump. He immediately began framing the narrative as an insurrection that needed militarization to quash. Though many of the protests were peaceful, some protesters threw rocks at officers, set Waymo driverless taxis on fire, and yes, even dared to wave the Mexican flag during those intense moments. Trump seized on the war-zone-like selective imagery replayed by the press and social media users to deploy National Guard troops, a rare move but one that the president had been itching to use. Let's talk about how we got here and why this is Trump's calculated plot from the get-go, framing Mexicans as criminals and rapists. That anti-Mexican and border-hawk sentiment grew into dehumanizing foreigners as 'animals' and 'vermin' that are 'poisoning our blood.' This kind of rhetoric isn't just vile, it's an effective tool to get Americans angry and even egg on the use of federal troops to crack down on perceived enemies on U.S. soil. For months, Trump's border hawks have carefully choreographed media stunts of immigration agents arresting deportable migrants — those already with deportation orders. But those stunts hardly produced the millions of deportations that Trump promised to get reelected. To increase that number, Trump ended the protected status of hundreds of thousands of asylum seekers and set traps for those showing up to immigration court hearings. Want to arrest and deport criminals? Fair game. But trapping migrants as if it was some sort of hunting sport is despicable. The strategy is to drop migrants' cases while ICE agents wait for them outside the courtroom. They then arrest them and fast-track their deportation. I've been exasperated at the lack of coordinated response to this entrapment. There's nothing American about deploying masked men in full military gear to split defenseless families — men, women and children handcuffed for following the law and showing up in court as required. Only an idiot would be surprised to see the eruption in Los Angeles. Opinion: Democrats 'demand' answers on immigrant arrests. Kristi Noem chuckles I'll never promote violence. Nobody should. But in this case, I understand the anger and frustration. California authorities can handle the street protests, and if they don't, then it's their duty to ask for federal help. None of that happened. Trump arbitrarily invoked a U.S. Code on Armed Services to send the National Guard, bypassing the governor's authority. That code is used as a last resort if 'there is a rebellion or danger of a rebellion against the authority of the government of the United States.' There's no rebellion underway in Los Angeles. It's a protest against Trump's cruel immigration crackdown — and yes, it has turned violent. Want to talk about a rebellion? Then MAGA must also condemn Trump's own rebellion against the U.S. capitol in 2021, when he attempted to overturn election results and stay in power by force. That was a deadly direct attack against the U.S. government, not a street protest against policy. Taking to the streets to protest injustices is at the core of American principles. Without it, we don't have a country. Elvia Díaz is editorial page editor for The Arizona Republic and azcentral. Reach her at 602-444-8606 or Follow her on X, (formerly Twitter), @elviadiaz1. Like this column? Get more opinions in your email inbox by signing up for our free opinions newsletter, which publishes Monday through Friday. This article originally appeared on Arizona Republic: Trump uses LA protests to demonize immigrants, militarize US | Opinion
Gulf Today
21-02-2025
- Politics
- Gulf Today
Real motive behind Trump renaming Gulf of Mexico
Gustavo Arellano, Tribune News Service Before President Donald Trump, the most high-profile call to change the name of the Gulf of Mexico came from Stephen Colbert, who joked on his Comedy Central show in 2010 that the body of water should be referred to as the Gulf of America in the wake of the Deepwater Horizon oil spill because 'we broke it, we bought it.' Almost 15 years later, it could have been worse: Trump could have decreed the Gulf of Mexico be renamed the Gulf of MAGA. (Don't anyone give him any ideas!) But Trump's arrival at changing the name to the Gulf of America retains none of the jocular tinge of Colbert's sarcastic suggestion. When William Nericcio first heard about Trump's executive order to do just that, the San Diego State English professor dismissed it as 'a big publicity stunt to mask more nefarious stuff.' It certainly was received that way in the weeks leading up to Inauguration Day, when Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum reacted to news of Trump's plans by suggesting the American Southwest, which belonged to Mexico until the 1848 Mexican-American War, be renamed 'América Mexicana.' The laughs continued as Trump mentioned the Gulf of America during his inaugural address, then signed the change into law along with 25 other executive orders that included a ban on birthright citizenship, withdrawing from the Paris climate accords and ending all federal diversity, equity and inclusion, or DEI, programmes. Rebranding the body of water bounded by the US, Mexico and Cuba as the Gulf of America — which Trump justified by stating in his order it 'has long been an integral asset to our once burgeoning Nation and has remained an indelible part of America' — was seen as a random piffle, namely because cartographers and governments across the world have used 'Gulf of Mexico' for nearly 475 years. But the more that Nericcio thought about a gesture he felt was 'straight out of Barnum & Bailey,' the more he began to worry. He's the author of 'Tex(t)-Mex: Seductive Hallucinations of the 'Mexican' in American,' a hilarious yet insightful 2007 book abut the history of anti-Mexican sentiment in the United States. It tracks the depiction of Mexicans in popular culture through postcards depicting the Mexican Revolution, Hollywood stereotypes, racist songs and more — efforts Nericcio argued have fuelled anti-Mexican laws and sentiment in this country for decades. 'The speaking of the Spanish language on Mexican soil can trigger the most jingoistic attitudes,' Nericcio told me, 'so why not pave over five centuries of history and call it the Gulf of America?' He fretted as Trump declared Feb. 9 to be Gulf of America Day, saying it was part of restoring 'American pride in the history of American greatness,' and as the US Board on Geographic Names officially complied with Trump's order and announced all federal agencies were 'currently in the process of updating their maps, products, and services to reflect the Gulf of America name change.' Nericcio groaned when the White House blocked Associated Press reporters from the Oval Office in retaliation for the news organisation — whose style guide is regarded as the gold standard in American journalism, including by the L.A. Times — announcing they would continue to use 'Gulf of Mexico' in its stories while acknowledging Trump's name change. But what put the profe in full despair mode was when Apple and Google updated their map services last week so that American users will now see 'Gulf of America.' The decision prompted the Mexican government to write a letter to Google stating that 'under no circumstance will Mexico accept the renaming of a geographic zone within its own territory and under its jurisdiction,' and threatening a lawsuit. Nericcio is usually quick to a bon mot, but his worrisome tone when we talked was something I had never heard in the 15 years we've known each other. 'We know the history of America is empire, but this is America showing its empire tattoos,' he said. 'It's bald, naked imperialism, and it's on the order of Stalin.' It's easy to dismiss Nericcio as a wild-eyed academic wokoso, but he's not wrong at all. The name change isn't a punchline or weird Trump quirk a la ketchup on steak or his weak-salsa YMCA dance. It's indicative of a commander in chief hellbent on continuing his efforts at a modern-day Manifest Destiny against our ultimate frenemy in any way, shape or form. Trump is convinced the American public will largely accept anything he does against Mexico, because guess what? It's just Mexico. Critics and supporters have long said to take Trump at his word, and few things have shown this to be truer than his vendetta against the country of my parents. It was right there in the speech announcing his first successful presidential run a decade ago this June. Within the opening three minutes of his speech, Trump uttered the line: 'When Mexico sends its people, they're not sending their best. ... They're bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists. And some, I assume, are good people.' That's the viral part of his anti-Mexican screed. But there was more. Trump mentioned Mexico 13 times in that speech, his pronunciation dripping with disdain every time. He promised to build a 'great, great wall' to seal it off from us, and labelled our southern neighbour 'the new China.' He whined that Mexico is 'laughing at us, at our stupidity. And now they are beating us economically. They are not our friend, believe me. But they're killing us economically.' So much bile against our second-largest trading partner and the ancestral country of millions of American citizens — and yet the crowd cheered him on. Trump has kept to his saber-rattling words. He has never ceased to describe people crossing into this country from Mexico as an 'invasion,' and is vowing to severely limit legal migration and deport immigrants in the country without legal documentation in a way this country has never seen. He's still threatening to impose steep tariffs against Mexico, while his team is salivating at the idea of channeling their inner Gen. Pershing and launching military incursions into the country under the guise of combating drug cartels. Last month, Defence secretary Pete Hegseth told Fox News that 'all options will be on the table.' Wiping off the Gulf of Mexico from US maps isn't a lark; it's a promise of more to come. It's a move out of the Latin American strongmen that have long plagued the Western Hemisphere but now have an eager copycat at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. I asked Nericcio to find a silver lining in all this, or at least advice on how to fight back. 'We don't own the engines of legitimacy and power — unfortunately, he does,' Nericcio replied. 'We're speaking in the past tense, Gustavo. It's done.' He laid out the following scenario: the next time American schoolchildren have to do a geography assignment involving the Gulf of Mexico, they'll look up the maps of Google, Apple or websites run by the federal government. 'They'll see Gulf of America and think, 'Oh, that's the right answer for my homework because the Internet says so. And voila, you now have a whole generation calling it by a name with no historical basis.'
Yahoo
19-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Column: The real motive behind Trump renaming the Gulf of Mexico to 'Gulf of America'
Before President Trump, the most high-profile call to change the name of the Gulf of Mexico came from Stephen Colbert, who joked on his Comedy Central show in 2010 that the body of water should be referred to as the Gulf of America in the wake of the Deepwater Horizon oil spill because 'we broke it, we bought it.' Almost 15 years later, it could have been worse: Trump could have decreed the Gulf of Mexico be renamed the Gulf of MAGA. (Don't anyone give him any ideas!) But Trump's arrival at changing the name to the Gulf of America retains none of the jocular tinge of Colbert's sarcastic suggestion. When William Nericcio first heard about Trump's executive order to do just that, the San Diego State English professor dismissed it as 'a big publicity stunt to mask more nefarious stuff.' Read more: What's in a name? Gulf of America? Mexican America? It certainly was received that way in the weeks leading up to Inauguration Day, when Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum reacted to news of Trump's plans by suggesting the American Southwest, which belonged to Mexico until the 1848 Mexican-American War, be renamed "América Mexicana." The laughs continued as Trump mentioned the Gulf of America during his inaugural address, then signed the change into law along with 25 other executive orders that included a ban on birthright citizenship, withdrawing from the Paris climate accords and ending all federal diversity, equity and inclusion, or DEI, programs. Rebranding the body of water bounded by the U.S., Mexico and Cuba as the Gulf of America — which Trump justified by stating in his order it 'has long been an integral asset to our once burgeoning Nation and has remained an indelible part of America' — was seen as a random piffle, namely because cartographers and governments across the world have used 'Gulf of Mexico' for nearly 475 years. But the more that Nericcio thought about a gesture he felt was "straight out of Barnum & Bailey," the more he began to worry. He's the author of 'Tex[t]-Mex: Seductive Hallucinations of the 'Mexican' in American,' a hilarious yet insightful 2007 book abut the history of anti-Mexican sentiment in the United States. It tracks the depiction of Mexicans in popular culture through postcards depicting the Mexican Revolution, Hollywood stereotypes, racist songs and more — efforts Nericcio argued have fueled anti-Mexican laws and sentiment in this country for decades. 'The speaking of the Spanish language on Mexican soil can trigger the most jingoistic attitudes,' Nericcio told me, 'so why not pave over five centuries of history and call it the Gulf of America?' He fretted as Trump declared Feb. 9 to be Gulf of America Day, saying it was part of restoring "American pride in the history of American greatness," and as the U.S. Board on Geographic Names officially complied with Trump's order and announced all federal agencies were 'currently in the process of updating their maps, products, and services to reflect the Gulf of America name change.' Nericcio groaned when the White House blocked Associated Press reporters from the Oval Office in retaliation for the news organization — whose style guide is regarded as the gold standard in American journalism, including by the L.A. Times — announcing they would continue to use 'Gulf of Mexico' in its stories while acknowledging Trump's name change. But what put the profe in full despair mode was when Apple and Google updated their map services last week so that American users will now see 'Gulf of America." The decision prompted the Mexican government to write a letter to Google stating that 'under no circumstance will Mexico accept the renaming of a geographic zone within its own territory and under its jurisdiction,' and threatening a lawsuit. Nericcio is usually quick to a bon mot, but his worrisome tone when we talked was something I had never heard in the 15 years we've known each other. 'We know the history of America is empire, but this is America dropping its pants and showing its empire tattoos,' he said. 'It's bald, naked imperialism, and it's on the order of Stalin.' It's easy to dismiss Nericcio as a wild-eyed academic wokoso, but he's not wrong at all. The name change isn't a punchline or weird Trump quirk a la ketchup on steak or his weak-salsa YMCA dance. It's indicative of a commander in chief hellbent on continuing his efforts at a modern-day Manifest Destiny against our ultimate frenemy in any way, shape or form. Trump is convinced the American public will largely accept anything he does against Mexico, because guess what? It's just Mexico. Read more: Letters to the Editor: If Trump says it's the Gulf of America, I can call my hometown Disneyland Critics and supporters have long said to take Trump at his word, and few things have shown this to be truer than his vendetta against against the country of my parents. It was right there in the speech announcing his first successful presidential run a decade ago this June, when he descended down a golden staircase at his Manhattan tower like the decrepit yet all-powerful Padishah Emperor in the 'Dune' franchise. Within the opening three minutes of his speech, Trump uttered the line: 'When Mexico sends its people, they're not sending their best. … They're bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists. And some, I assume, are good people.' That's the viral part of his anti-Mexican screed. But there was more. Trump mentioned Mexico 13 times in that speech, his pronunciation dripping with disdain every time. He promised to build a "great, great wall" to seal it off from us, and labeled our southern neighbor "the new China." He whined that Mexico is 'laughing at us, at our stupidity. And now they are beating us economically. They are not our friend, believe me. But they're killing us economically.' So much bile against our second-largest trading partner and the ancestral country of millions of American citizens — and yet the crowd cheered him on. Trump has kept to his saber-rattling words. He has never ceased to describe people crossing into this country from Mexico as an 'invasion,' and is vowing to severely limit legal migration and deport immigrants in the country without legal documentation in a way this country has never seen. He's still threatening to impose steep tariffs against Mexico, while his team is salivating at the idea of channeling their inner Gen. Pershing and launching military incursions into the country under the guise of combating drug cartels. Last month, Defense secretary Pete Hegseth told Fox News that "all options will be on the table." Wiping off the Gulf of Mexico from U.S. maps isn't a lark; it's a promise of more to come. It's a move out of the Latin American strongmen that have long plagued the Western Hemisphere but now have an eager copycat at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. I asked Nericcio to find a silver lining in all this, or at least advice on how to fight back. 'We don't own the engines of legitimacy and power — unfortunately, he does,' Nericcio replied. 'We're speaking in the past tense, Gustavo. It's done.' He laid out the following scenario: the next time American schoolchildren have to do a geography assignment involving the Gulf of Mexico, they'll look up the maps of Google, Apple or websites run by the federal government. 'They'll see Gulf of America and think, 'Oh, that's the right answer for my homework because the Internet says so. And voila, you now have a whole generation calling it by a name with no historical basis." Nericcio sounded forlorn. 'What gets me is the anemic pushback. Anemic. Almost like, 'Yes, daddy.' It's like watching a movie with a supervillain who keeps winning and winning, and I don't think this one's going to have a happy ending.' Sign up for Essential California for news, features and recommendations from the L.A. Times and beyond in your inbox six days a week. This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.
