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In Trump's America, Who Gets to Call Themselves American?
In Trump's America, Who Gets to Call Themselves American?

New York Times

time04-07-2025

  • Politics
  • New York Times

In Trump's America, Who Gets to Call Themselves American?

No president in the history of the Republic has used the word 'America' as effectively as Donald Trump — not as a symbol to invoke unity but as kerosene to keep the home fires of our culture wars burning. America, America: Make it great. It already is great. Keep it great. America must. America will. America First. 'America,' said Stephen Miller, Mr. Trump's deputy chief of staff and the driver of much of his nativist domestic policy, 'is for Americans and Americans only.' But what does it mean to be an American if armed, masked men can sweep anybody, citizen or not, off the street, forcing people into unmarked S.U.V.s — to be, if Mr. Trump has his way, disappeared to remote Louisiana or taken to a prison camp in El Salvador? Mr. Trump and operatives like Mr. Miller are waging a war not only on migrants but also on the concept of citizenship. According to one report, Immigration and Customs Enforcement expelled as many as 66 citizens during Mr. Trump's first term, and now he has issued an executive order ending birthright citizenship. His government is exiling children who were born in the United States, including a 4-year-old boy with late-stage cancer. The Justice Department says it is 'prioritizing denaturalization,' establishing a framework to revoke citizenship from naturalized citizens the White House deems undesirable. Vice President JD Vance admits the expansion of ICE is the mainspring of the White House's agenda. In a series of social media posts, he pushed back against worries about the president's signature reconciliation bill. Nothing else in the bill mattered, he said — not debt, not Medicaid cuts — compared to securing 'ICE money.' Now, the agency — which already acts like a secret police — will have an additional $75 billion to build detention centers, hire new agents and supercharge its operations. Mr. Trump's war on citizenship goes hand in hand with his politicization of the name of America, and though the first is unprecedented in its intensity, the second taps into a long, well, American tradition, one as old as the nation itself. Want all of The Times? Subscribe.

North Carolina governor vetoes anti-DEI and transgender rights bills, calling them 'mean-spirited'
North Carolina governor vetoes anti-DEI and transgender rights bills, calling them 'mean-spirited'

Washington Post

time03-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Washington Post

North Carolina governor vetoes anti-DEI and transgender rights bills, calling them 'mean-spirited'

RALEIGH, N.C. — North Carolina Democratic Gov. Josh Stein vetoed on Thursday three anti-DEI bills and another measure that in part would target transgender rights . His actions set up more showdowns with Republican lawmakers who pitch the legislation as doing away with structured racial bias in government and public education, protecting women and empowering parents. Stein criticized the Republican-controlled legislature for focusing on these measures while they've yet to enact a budget for the fiscal year that started this week. Instead, Stein said in a news release, it 'wants to distract us by stoking culture wars that further divide us. These mean-spirited bills would marginalize vulnerable people and also undermine the quality of public services and public education.' The measures cutting or eliminating diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives in state and local governments, K-12 public schools and the university system have been a major priority for GOP lawmakers. They argue the programs targeted have overemphasized identity to the detriment of merit and societal unity. The other vetoed bill initially ran as a bipartisan measure curbing sexual exploitation of women and minors by implementing age verification and consent requirements for people who appear on pornography websites. But the final measure was loaded up with several contentious provisions. One would prevent state-funded gender transition procedures or gender-affirming hormone therapy for prisoners. It also affirms the recognition of two sexes and requires the state to officially attach a transgender person's new birth certificate to their old one if they change their sex assigned at birth. The bills align with President Donald Trump's agenda to dismantle DEI practices and press against transgender rights. The legislation is now back at the General Assembly, which could return from a recess later this month to attempt veto overrides and advance other legislation. Republicans are one House seat short of a veto-proof majority. No Democrats voted for the final three anti-DEI measures. However, one House Democrat did vote for the other vetoed bill. By vetoing that measure, House Speaker Destin Hall said in a release, Stein 'has sided with radical activists over the overwhelming majority of North Carolinians who believe in parental rights, biological reality, and protecting women and children.' The bill also would order local school districts to adopt policies so parents can ask that their child be excused from activities or readings that would 'impose a substantial burden on the student's religious beliefs.' Stein said in a veto message that he strongly supported the sexual exploitation provisions in the bill, but the final measure went too far. 'My faith teaches me that we are all children of God, no matter our differences, and that it is wrong to target vulnerable people, as this bill does,' he added. As for the anti-DEI measures, one bill would ban training, staff positions and hiring decisions that incorporate DEI in state agencies. The legislation also would outlaw those agencies or local governments from using state funds for DEI programs. Workers who violate the law could face civil penalties and litigation. The two other bills would bar 'divisive concepts' and 'discriminatory practices' across public education statewide. A Stein veto message said the bill addressing state and local governments in part 'is riddled with vague definitions yet imposes extreme penalties for unknowable violations.' As for the education measures, Stein wrote, 'we should not whitewash history' and 'should ensure our students learn from diverse perspectives and form their own opinions.' But Senate leader Phil Berger said on the social platform X that the governor is 'choosing to ignore the clear will of the people who are tired of politically correct nonsense' by his refusal to rid schools and governments of DEI programs. Stein has now vetoed 11 measures since taking office in January — all of them in the past two weeks. Of the eight bills he signed Friday, one will block certain abuse and neglect charges for parents or caregivers raising transgender children 'consistent with the juvenile's biological sex.' The bill also says that adoption agencies can't be permitted to deny someone from adopting a child because of their unwillingness to allow the child to transition. Bill sponsors said the restrictions were needed to allow parents and guardians to raise children in line with their family values. But opponents said the measure would harm transgender children and intrude in family matters already governed by other laws. Nine House Democrats voted for the final bill. Stein's office didn't immediately respond Friday to a request for comment.

North Carolina governor vetoes anti-DEI and transgender rights bills, calling them 'mean-spirited'
North Carolina governor vetoes anti-DEI and transgender rights bills, calling them 'mean-spirited'

Associated Press

time03-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Associated Press

North Carolina governor vetoes anti-DEI and transgender rights bills, calling them 'mean-spirited'

RALEIGH, N.C. (AP) — North Carolina Democratic Gov. Josh Stein vetoed on Thursday three anti-DEI bills and another measure that in part would target transgender rights. His actions set up more showdowns with Republican lawmakers who pitch the legislation as doing away with structured racial bias in government and public education, protecting women and empowering parents. Stein criticized the Republican-controlled legislature for focusing on these measures while they've yet to enact a budget for the fiscal year that started this week. Instead, Stein said in a news release, it 'wants to distract us by stoking culture wars that further divide us. These mean-spirited bills would marginalize vulnerable people and also undermine the quality of public services and public education.' The measures cutting or eliminating diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives in state and local governments, K-12 public schools and the university system have been a major priority for GOP lawmakers. They argue the programs targeted have overemphasized identity to the detriment of merit and societal unity. The other vetoed bill initially ran as a bipartisan measure curbing sexual exploitation of women and minors by implementing age verification and consent requirements for people who appear on pornography websites. But the final measure was loaded up with several contentious provisions. One would prevent state-funded gender transition procedures or gender-affirming hormone therapy for prisoners. It also affirms the recognition of two sexes and requires the state to officially attach a transgender person's new birth certificate to their old one if they change their sex assigned at birth. The bills align with President Donald Trump's agenda to dismantle DEI practices and press against transgender rights. The legislation is now back at the General Assembly, which could return from a recess later this month to attempt veto overrides and advance other legislation. Republicans are one House seat short of a veto-proof majority. No Democrats voted for the final three anti-DEI measures. However, one House Democrat did vote for the other vetoed bill. By vetoing that measure, House Speaker Destin Hall said in a release, Stein 'has sided with radical activists over the overwhelming majority of North Carolinians who believe in parental rights, biological reality, and protecting women and children.' The bill also would order local school districts to adopt policies so parents can ask that their child be excused from activities or readings that would 'impose a substantial burden on the student's religious beliefs.' Stein said in a veto message that he strongly supported the sexual exploitation provisions in the bill, but the final measure went too far. 'My faith teaches me that we are all children of God, no matter our differences, and that it is wrong to target vulnerable people, as this bill does,' he added. As for the anti-DEI measures, one bill would ban training, staff positions and hiring decisions that incorporate DEI in state agencies. The legislation also would outlaw those agencies or local governments from using state funds for DEI programs. Workers who violate the law could face civil penalties and litigation. The two other bills would bar 'divisive concepts' and 'discriminatory practices' across public education statewide. A Stein veto message said the bill addressing state and local governments in part 'is riddled with vague definitions yet imposes extreme penalties for unknowable violations.' As for the education measures, Stein wrote, 'we should not whitewash history' and 'should ensure our students learn from diverse perspectives and form their own opinions.' Stein has now vetoed 11 measures since taking office in January — all of them in the past two weeks. Of the eight bills he signed Friday, one will block certain abuse and neglect charges for parents or caregivers raising transgender children 'consistent with the juvenile's biological sex.' The bill also says that adoption agencies can't be permitted to deny someone from adopting a child because of their unwillingness to allow the child to transition. Bill sponsors said the restrictions were needed to allow parents and guardians to raise children in line with their family values. But opponents said the measure would harm transgender children and intrude in family matters already governed by other laws. Nine House Democrats voted for the final bill. Stein's office didn't immediately respond Friday to a request for comment.

Elon Musk's downfall could mark the end of a cultural era
Elon Musk's downfall could mark the end of a cultural era

The National

time12-06-2025

  • Business
  • The National

Elon Musk's downfall could mark the end of a cultural era

A century ago, TS Eliot mused about the world having ended, not with a bang, but with a whimper. In his poem The Hollow Men, he described a generation unable to do anything with conviction, whether for good or ill, as societies, institutions and communities in Europe struggled with the new morality and the political upheaval following the devastation of the First World War. 'Between the idea And the reality Between the motion And the act Falls the Shadow' The parallels between 1925 and 2025 are legion, but perhaps none has been as striking as the culture wars that have shaped the current public discourse. Trust in government, experts and institutions is at a low ebb. Amid such a divisive political landscape, it is little surprise that individuals with maverick personalities have grown in influence. Arguably, no one illustrates this point as strongly as Elon Musk. His public image, cultivated through antics on X, meme culture and polarising rhetoric, has helped fuel a rise in his wealth and status as a business and technological prophet. Most pertinently, Mr Musk's vision of the future has also lacked empathy. His dreams of Mars colonisation, AI-human interfaces and radical innovation are as ambitious as they are detached from societal needs or human connection. There have also been actions that bring into question his ethics. For example, markets have been disrupted, if not manipulated, following his social media posts about Dogecoin and Tesla stock. Yet, until now, Mr Musk had insulated himself from the ire that enveloped other tech leaders. He had avoided the political theatre in the US Congress that Meta's Mark Zuckerberg, Google's Sundar Pichai and Amazon's Jeff Bezos were obligated to take part in. His purchase of X (when it was still called Twitter) and his subsequent alliance with the Republican Party seemed to keep regulators at bay while amplifying his influence. His track record means very little now, however, after his spectacular falling out with US President Donald Trump. On Wednesday, the shockwaves from the detonation of the most famous political alliance of our time seemed to finally fade with the words: 'I regret some of my posts about President Donald Trump last week. They went too far.' Could Mr Musk's post on X also be the waving of the white flag for his style of leadership? With never-seen-before gusto, Mr Musk had supported Mr Trump's presidential campaign and after the latter won the White House, he became a regular fixture in the Oval Office, even parading his four-year-old son in front of the cameras, such was the familiarity between the two men. It seemed a stunning triumph of his convictions. Eventually Mr Musk seemed to tire as his personal behaviour and his brainchild, the Department of Government Efficiency, became magnets for sustained controversy. So, he stepped back from the front lines. There had been a very clear cost, too, from such an unprecedented high-profile political affiliation. The Tesla share price is still down 14 per cent in 2025, but it had been even lower. After he was no longer on the inside of the administration, it took only days for him to turn against the President, attacking the 'One Big Beautiful Bill Act', a key part of Mr Trump's legislative agenda, and drawing return fire online and in the media from his one-time ally. Then, after Mr Musk made the explosive and since-retracted claim that Mr Trump appeared in the files related to the late financier and alleged sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein, it became clear there could be no way back. Not only is Mr Musk's aura now diminished, but it could be the end of the techno-libertarian myth that has been at the root of so much divisiveness during the past decade. Figures like Mr Musk and Peter Thiel – also a supporter of Mr Trump – championed the idea that private innovators could outpace and outthink the state. The equivalent of shadow nations grew out of Silicon Valley and undermined the ability of governments to govern, further eroding trust and bringing extreme ideas to the mainstream, enabled by an unregulated flood of technological advances. The truth is, once any company achieves the scale of a country, it becomes nigh on untouchable. Mr Musk seemed to be trying to reach these heights while remaining bigger than his companies in the minds of the public. The social media age helped him to try to do this, and his approach has been very much a blueprint for the broader rise of content creators and influencers. Yet, back in the 1920s, TS Eliot warned of the perils of such hollowness. 'Between the desire And the spasm Between the potency And the existence Between the essence And the descent Falls the Shadow' Looking back 100 years from now, the Musk-Trump fallout will probably help mark the closing act of a cultural era defined by deficiencies in human connection and empathy for others.

Anti-Woke Crusades Only Make Hegseth and Rubio Look Petty
Anti-Woke Crusades Only Make Hegseth and Rubio Look Petty

Bloomberg

time09-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Bloomberg

Anti-Woke Crusades Only Make Hegseth and Rubio Look Petty

The actor Sean Penn has summed up the problem with Pete Hegseth, and by extension the administration of President Donald Trump. 'I've never before seen a Secretary of Defense so aggressively demote himself to the rank of Chief PETTY Officer,' Penn said upon hearing that the Pentagon boss has ordered the Navy to rename an oiler called the USNS Harvey Milk. The naming of a ship (or a gulf, or anything) is often a bureaucratic gesture of forgettable symbolism. Not in this case and a slew of others that Hegseth is currently reviewing. The effort instead points to a worrisome obsession that causes division, distraction and the diversion of scarce energy from real foreign conflicts toward domestic culture wars.

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