Latest news with #livelihoods
Bloomberg
7 days ago
- Business
- Bloomberg
Zimbabwe Says Informal Sector Dominates 76% of The Economy
Zimbabwe estimates that more than three-quarters of economic activity takes place in the informal sector, depriving the government of much-needed tax revenue, according to the findings of its first economic census. While the high level of informalization has 'increasingly become a significant source of livelihoods, its contribution to government revenue remains minimal due to non-compliance with the formal tax system,' the Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency said in a report released in the capital, Harare, on Wednesday.
Zawya
08-07-2025
- Business
- Zawya
Accumulating and investing: trajectories of change in Zimbabwe's land reform areas
Many A1 farmers can be characterised as 'petty commodity producers' where capital and family labour are combined in a small-scale enterprise. Some larger A2 farmers are emerging as more typical capitalist farmers. Most land reform beneficiaries combine off-farm work or rely on remittances or other inputs and may be characterised as 'worker-farmers' or 'farmer-workers'. Artisanal mining is an important livelihood in some of our sites, so combinations of mining and farming in livelihood portfolios are common. There is no simple pattern, and there have been diverse outcomes following land reform – some succeeding, some failing, and many somewhere in between and varying over time. It's a complex story, but one we are beginning to unravel. This blog series of 'accumulation dynamics' draws on around 100 household biographies collected across our sites in Mvurwi (a high potential agricultural area to the north of Harare dominated by tobacco production), Masvingo (including sites in both Masvingo and Gutu districts, a medium-potential area where maize and horticulture are central to livelihoods) and Matobo (a dry, low-potential livestock production area in Matabeleland South). As subsequent blogs in this series show, the type of production system and agroecology has a big influence on accumulation dynamics. Tobacco is a highly labour- and capital-intensive crop, but with contracting support can generate significant revenues, allowing sustained accumulation for many in Mvurwi. Maize, which is important in all sites, but perhaps especially in Masvingo, is largely rainfed and surplus production is dependent on a good season. It is very much a boom-and-bust cycle, equilibrated by grain storage, but with pulses of investment over time. Horticultural production is more stable as it is largely irrigated but is dependent on market demand, and so incomes are volatile even if outputs are stable. Livestock are important in all areas, but more as inputs to agriculture (manure and draft power) in Mvurwi and Masvingo, whereas in Matobo cattle are sold and are central to investment and accumulation. Droughts and disease have major impacts on livestock populations in a 'non-equilibrium' rangeland environment, so again investments are uneven over time, as livestock herds may increase slowly through births and die rapidly due to drought events, resulting in a stuttering pattern of accumulation. The biographies have explored the story of different households across the 25 year period since the 2000 land reform, exploring the ups and downs experienced and their reasons. We asked about both men and women as household heads, as well as young people – the children and younger relatives living in the land reform site home – as well as exploring the lives of workers, both those in the 'compounds' in Mvurwi and others working for land reform farmers. What is clear is that the land reform story is not a linear one, nor one that can be described simply, but in advance of our major resurvey of around 2000 households across these sitesduring this year, we are tentatively trying to tease out some of the key patterns. Patterns of accumulation What then are the main patterns of accumulation, what are the dynamics over time, what are the drivers and wider contexts for both success and failure? In this blog series of four posts spaced over a fortnight each (as they are quite long!), we will offer some preliminary reflections. Four main patterns of accumulation are seen – from below, from above, from outside and decumulation or decline. Accumulation from below is a classic dynamic that we have seen across our A1 sites in particular. This involves the generation of farm-based surpluses and their sale, resulting in reinvestment in the farm. Investments may be in farm inputs, equipment, irrigation, mechanisation, transport, housing or other aspects that improve the farm operation and the quality of life on the farm. In our earlier studies we found between 40% and 60% of farmers producing more than a tonne of maize on average each year (some much more). A tonne of maize is sufficient to feed a household, so anything more than this could be sold to generate income. Many have diversified away from maize and so calculating surpluses is much more complex these days. Although the patterns have changed, accumulation from below remains a central dynamic and we can expect a similar proportion to be accumulating in this way today; something we will be exploring in our new survey. Accumulation from above represents a different route to investment, making use patronage connections to acquire assets and inputs, and so driving investment and so accumulation on farm. In the early years of land reform, we saw this operating particularly around the allocation of land in A2 farms, whereby those with political connections were able to acquire land, and later gain access to resources through government schemes. In our Mvurwi and Matobo sites, for example, those with 'war veteran' status and those with direct connections to the ruling party were able to secure A2 farms. This represented a quarter to half of A2 allocations in these sites, exceeding the 20% quota for war veterans in the official policy. Far fewer got access to government schemes through patronage routes, whether the farm mechanisation scheme or later command agriculture, but these did provide routes to accumulate from above, allowing some to get going. Many who benefited initially as war veterans however did not have the capital or business acumen to continue and ultimately failed. So, despite narrative that the land reform was dominated by party ' cronies ', this has to be qualified, and accumulation from above has only been useful for a few and only in certain periods. Accumulation from outside is a much more common strategy than patronage 'from above' and takes many forms. Most land reform households have connections outside the farm. They may be sons and daughters working away, often in the diaspora, who provide remittances or may invest themselves in projects on the parents' farm. They may be to businesses run by the farm owner who links the farm to a wider portfolio of businesses. Or they may be to mining, often resulting in sudden windfalls, that can be channelled to farm investments. The farm-off-farm, rural-urban and Zimbabwe-diaspora linkages are key in understanding how accumulation dynamics play out, and these relationships change over time, depending on household demographics and wider economic and political changes, locally or internationally. Decumulation and decline represents the opposite of the above processes, when accumulation from below, above or outside fails due to poor harvests due to drought, loss of livestock due to disease or drought, loss of health and old age, failures of businesses, loss of jobs in towns or outside the country and so on. Usually, it is a combination of shocks that results in a loss of assets and so income, with the result that accumulation is no longer possible and people's fortunes decline. Again, over time, things change – a period of accumulation can be followed by period of loss, followed by recovery. Over 25 years, lots has happened. Temporalities of accumulation In our work, both through the household biographies and the repeat surveys, we are trying to track changes over time across 25 years. These changes are far from linear and predictable, as our discussion of 'transitions' emerging from comparing success ranks over time showed. We again see a number of different patterns. Many saw a slow start following the acquisition of land, and then a patient, gradual improvement often from virtually nothing into a period of accumulation as surpluses were generated. This is the classic pattern of 'accumulation from below' and is widely seen across the A1 households, as well as some A2 farmers who have managed to finance their farms and some former farmworkers, who are now more worker-farmers as they acquired small areas of land. This remains the dominant pattern, but as the 25 years has unfolded this story of success has to be qualified, as the previous blog series highlighted. For example, for some the upwards direction has slowed as droughts have struck cropping outputs and disease has decimated livestock (notably January disease in the past few years). A focus on farm-based accumulation has changed as people diversify off-farm towards other investments. People may be accumulating, but through town-based businesses, real estate rentals and so on. And the trajectory of accumulation slows too as household heads become older, with less energy and sometimes constrained through ill-health and death of a household head (often the man). Another pattern we see is when people arrived with assets – often A2 farmers who were able to invest in farms from the beginning – but then we see a steady decline, as they struggled with difficult economic conditions (even if the Government of National Unity (GNU) period from 2009-13 provided some respite), as well as the demographic impacts of becoming older, before sons or daughters could take over. In another pattern, some started off poor and under-capitalised but were able to invest through windfalls from outside – such as via mining – or above – through patronage links – but were again not able to sustain this and the farm business declined over time. However, there were others who were able to make use of these external injections to establish, and then continued on a successful trajectory of improvement based on accumulation from below. Different contingent and contextual factors influenced the outcomes, as we will see in the case studies in subsequent blogs. Patterns of decline – often from periods of success – are seen in a number of households, where old age, illness, death in the family or the collapse of an external business or loss of jobs intervened. This accelerated during the COVID-19 pandemic as many returned from South Africa, for instance, or when remittances declined from Europe or North America. Decline could be sudden or protracted, and we are seeing this particularly around those who gained land 25 years ago in their prime but are now in their 60s and 70s (or have died) and the succession to the next generation remains uncertain (see earlier blog series this year). Contexts matter Much depends on the wider context. Over the last 25 years in Zimbabwe, there have been many changes in environmental, political and economic conditions that have had major impacts on accumulation patterns. Good rainfall years may result in pulses of investment after a good harvest, but they may be followed by poor harvests due to drought. Insulating against this through irrigation has been an important part of people's investments over the past decade or more in particular, but agricultural production is still reliant on the weather, and so climate change is unquestionably having an influence on accumulation dynamics. Economic conditions in Zimbabwe have been a roller-coaster over this period, with multiple currencies, periods of hyperinflation and an investment climate severely affected by the wider political situation. External support from donors has been restricted in the land reform areas through 'sanctions', while lack of finance for agriculture has been influenced by the wider international relations. Although Chinese investment has continued it has been narrowly focused, while Western finance has largely kept away from Zimbabwe given the risks. The COVID-19 pandemic added another dimension, influencing job opportunities, remittance flows and so on. Meanwhile, visa rules in Europe and North America and xenophobic discrimination and violence in South Africa has affected migration flows, and so the ability to get jobs abroad. The only period of relative stability was the GNU period when political and economic conditions improved and the possibilities of farm enterprises – especially in the A2 areas – could be realised temporarily and provided the foundation for an important period of investment in these farms. Making sense of non-linear change Linking these wider contextual factors to particular household trajectories of accumulation (or decline) helps makes sense of changes. External, wider factors inevitably with other local factors, such as demographic changes and contingencies such as ill-health, death and so on. As the subsequent blogs show, all combinations are possible, requiring a contextualised conjunctural analysis. Patterns of accumulation and so investment and success are non-linear and hugely varied and can change rapidly over time. This has huge implications for patterns of social differentiation within and across the land reform areas, and so patterns of class formation, wider political alliances and so on. Understanding accumulation therefore has many ramifications, way beyond the particular material effects on people's livelihood trajectories. It's certainly an extraordinarily complex story to unravel. The next three blogs (waiting a fortnight for each) will take each of our sites – Mvurwi, Gutu/Masvingo and Matobo – in turn and offer some case studies to highlight some of these patterns. © Copyright The Zimbabwean. All rights reserved. Provided by SyndiGate Media Inc. (
Zawya
24-06-2025
- Health
- Zawya
Halting a sheep and goat plague outbreak to protect livelihoods in Sierra Leone
When an outbreak of peste des petits ruminants (PPR)—also known as sheep and goat plague—threatened to wipe out people's livelihoods in Kamasasa village, Sierra Leone, quick action from trained Sierra Leone Red Cross Society volunteers and local authorities stopped the spread of disease and minimized its damage on the community. Peste des petits ruminants (PPR) is a highly contagious viral disease affecting small animals, such as sheep and goats. PPR can be fatal and outbreaks, if left undetected, can have devastating consequences for people's livelihoods, particularly in pastoral communities. In Kamasasa, a village in north-west Sierra Leone where people are reliant on goat and sheep farming to make a living, an outbreak of PPR struck in September 2022 and threatened to wreak havoc in the community. 'It was all over the town," explains Pa Adikali Sesay, Chief of Kamasasa village."Everywhere you would go, people would say that their goats were sick. Some people would be crying because they were losing hope. If there was an emergency and they or their children got sick or if they need to pay school fees for their children, how would they pay for those things if all the animals died?' Having never experienced a PPR outbreak before, people were unsure what to do. And misinformation was spreading alongside the disease. Some farmers even fled the village, believing that their animals were under some form of mystical attack. But thankfully, local Sierra Leone Red Cross Society volunteers were on hand to support the community. Trained in epidemic control and community-based surveillance through the Community Epidemic and Pandemic Preparedness Programme (CP3), they immediately recognized the disease as PPR, rapidly reported the outbreak to local animal health authorities, and mounted an effective response to halt its spread. 'Our volunteers started mobilizing the community, sensitizing them, telling them not to eat these animals," says Osman Justin Conteh, CP3 Manager with the Sierra Leone Red Cross Society."We separated the sick from those that are not sick so that then the disease will not continue to spread. Then specimens were collected and sent to the lab. We supported the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security to treat these animals, vaccinating more than 10,000 goats and sheep against PPR." This quick, coordinated action made sure that PPR stopped spreading in the community and that sick animals were able to recover, with volunteers earning thanks and recognition from community members. Sorie Daba Sesay, a farmer from Kamasasa village, says: ' The Red Cross arrived and told us to look for animals that were sick or had died. They helped get medicine to the sick goats so they would get better and not get sick again. We say to the Red Cross, thank you!' And Kamasasa village chief, Pa Adikali, adds: 'The Red Cross did an incredible job. Without their intervention, we could have lost all our animals. The Red Cross arrived right when we needed their help.' This PPR outbreak response is just one example of many disease outbreaks detected, reported and responded to through the CP3 programme in Kambia. Since the programme began in 2018, Sierra Leone Red Cross Society teams have improved their capacity to prepare for and respond to epidemics and developed close partnerships with human, animal and environmental health authorities to keep communities healthy and safe. 'The coming of CP3 and the Red Cross has helped us greatly in trying to mitigate the death toll of goats and sheep," says Ibrahim Harri Sesay, District Livestock Officer with the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security in Kambia. "They have trained over 250 volunteers across the districts here. CP3 volunteers are all over in the communities. They are with them, they know their problems. If there are any problems with disease, be it animal or human, they report to us directly and we react appropriately.' The activities featured in this article were delivered as part of the multi-country Community Epidemic and Pandemic Preparedness Programme (CP3) which ran from 2018-2025. Funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), CP3 supported communities, Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, and other partners to prepare for, prevent, detect and respond to disease threats. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC).
Arab News
20-06-2025
- General
- Arab News
Why healthy land is our greatest economic asset
The signs are becoming harder to ignore. Crops are failing more often. Wells are yielding less water. Dust settles where food once grew. In many parts of the world, the land is growing tired — less able to support the people who depend on it. And as the soil weakens, so too do the livelihoods, economies and communities built upon it. While land degradation is a global concern, its impact is especially pronounced in the Arab region. Stretching from North Africa to the Arabian Peninsula, this part of the world is among the most vulnerable. Nearly 90 percent of land is already degraded and a combination of rising temperatures, water scarcity and stressed agricultural systems is placing an increasing strain on people and ecosystems alike. Here, land degradation is not just about the environment — it affects the fundamentals of daily life. It shapes whether families can grow enough to eat, whether young people envision a future at home and whether communities can remain self-reliant. In some areas, it has already contributed to displacement and tension over dwindling natural resources. While agriculture still employs 38 percent of the workforce across the Arab region, half of all calories consumed are imported. With droughts intensifying and arable land diminishing, pressure is mounting on food production and rural livelihoods across the region. Without meaningful investment in sustainable land use, the divide between those with access to fertile land and food and those without will only deepen. Still, this is not just a problem to solve; it is a chance to rethink how we value and manage land. Not as something to be used up, but as a foundation to be protected and solidified. We now know that land restoration delivers real returns. For every dollar invested, studies show a return of $7 to $30 in benefits. Globally, restoring 1 billion hectares of degraded land could generate up to $1.8 trillion in value annually. These are not distant ambitions — they are within reach. Healthy land is not just an environmental priority, but a cornerstone of long-term resilience and prosperity. Ibrahim Thiaw Yet the financing gap remains stark. To meet global restoration targets by 2030, investments to the tune of $1 billion dollars per day are needed. The private sector currently contributes 6 percent of total investment. Scaling up both public and private finance and redirecting harmful subsidies toward sustainable land use will be necessary to keep our economic models sustainable. Encouragingly, the Arab region is taking meaningful steps. The Arab Coordination Group has pledged $10 billion by 2030 to address land degradation and strengthen drought resilience. It is a significant move, but far more is needed. Globally, $7 trillion continues to support land-harmful subsidies and unsustainable practices, underlining the urgency of shifting resources toward land restoration. To shift direction, we need smarter tools for investment. One of these is the Sustainable Return on Investment — a way of measuring success that includes not only financial returns, but also climate stability, biodiversity, food security and human well-being. This approach can guide both public and private capital toward lasting impact. As we marked World Day to Combat Desertification and Drought on June 17, our message was clear: Healthy land is not just an environmental priority, but a cornerstone of long-term resilience and prosperity. Because when we restore land, we restore choices. We restore hope and dignity. And we rebuild the foundation of a more secure, equitable, and livable world for all. • Ibrahim Thiaw is under-secretary-general of the UN and executive secretary of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification.
South China Morning Post
16-06-2025
- Business
- South China Morning Post
John Lee pledges to improve Hongkongers' lives amid ‘restructuring' of economy
Hong Kong's leader has pledged to improve people's livelihoods and foster growth amid an 'economic restructuring' of the city, as public consultation for his coming policy address was launched. Advertisement The government said in a statment on Monday that it would hold more than 40 consultation sessions ahead of Chief Executive John Lee Ka-chiu 's fourth policy address this September, while also conducting district visits to meet with members of the public and representatives from different sectors. 'We are committed to developing the economy and improving people's livelihoods to ensure our initiatives effectively respond to the needs of members of the public,' Lee said in the statement, noting that the city was undergoing an 'economic restructuring'. 'The government will continue to lead all sectors of society in consolidating and enhancing the factors for Hong Kong's success while upholding our principles and being innovative in advancing reforms. 'We will endeavour to explore new growth areas, trade markets and frontiers, deepen international exchanges and cooperation, and enhance regional collaboration to foster economic growth and development.' Advertisement Lee added Hong Kong would continue to exploit its unique advantages under the 'one country, two systems' governing model and ride on strong support from Beijing.
