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United News of India
5 hours ago
- Politics
- United News of India
Congress to hold protest in Srinagar for J&K statehood restoration
Srinagar, July 19 (UNI) Stepping up its campaign for the restoration of Jammu and Kashmir's statehood, the Congress is holding a protest march in Srinagar today—just days after party president Mallikarjun Kharge and Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, urging immediate action on the issue. The party said that J&K Pradesh Congress Committee president Tariq Hameed Karra, along with AICC general secretary G.A. Mir and other senior leaders, will lead a peaceful procession around noon in Srinagar to reiterate the demand for the complete restoration of statehood to J&K. The march will start from Congress headquarters in Srinagar and culminate at the divisional commissioner's office, where senior party leaders will submit a memorandum to the Divisional Commissioner for onward submission to the Prime Minister through Lt Governor of J&K, a Congress spokesman said. The protest will not be limited to Srinagar, but Congress is planning to hold protests in Jammu, and a sit-in at Delhi's Jantar Mantar on July 22, a day after the Monsoon Session of Parliament begins. 'The campaign for the restoration of statehood has been ongoing for several months, and the joint letters from the party's top leadership have injected fresh momentum into the movement,' a senior leader said. Kharge and Rahul Gandhi's appeal to the Prime Minister to introduce legislation for the restoration of Jammu and Kashmir's statehood in the upcoming Monsoon Session of Parliament has sparked a fresh wave of optimism among politicians in the region. Jammu and Kashmir was stripped of its special status and downgraded to a Union Territory on August 5, 2019, following the abrogation of Article 370. Since then, political parties have consistently been demanding restoration of statehood. In a joint letter, the Congress leaders said that downgrading a state to a Union territory lacks precedent in independent India and reminded the Prime Minister of his promises of restoring J&K's statehood. The Prime Minister has "on multiple occasions, personally reiterated the government's commitment to restoring statehood," the letter read, pointing out at least two instances last year when PM Modi promised to restore the region's status. For the past five years, the people of Jammu and Kashmir have consistently called for the restoration of full statehood, the Congress leaders said, calling their demand both legitimate and firmly grounded in their constitutional and democratic rights. UNI MJR AAB
The Hindu
4 days ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Kharge meets Rajya Sabha Chairman ahead of Monsoon Session
Ahead of the upcoming Monsoon Session of Parliament, Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge met Vice-President and Rajya Sabha Chairman Jagdeep Dhankhar on Tuesday (July 15, 2025). Also Read | Ahead of Monsoon Session, Congress to hold strategy meet to discuss key issues The Opposition, he said, is keen on ensuring a productive session. The month-long session is scheduled to commence on July 21. 'The Opposition wants a productive Rajya Sabha session from July 21st. For that to happen, a number of strategic, political, foreign policy and socio-economic issues that are of great public concern need to be debated and discussed,' Mr. Kharge said in a post on social media platform X following the meeting.
Scroll.in
4 days ago
- Politics
- Scroll.in
Former civil servant and RBI governor YV Reddy revisits his mistakes and interventions in a new book
When a political party sweeps to power, they sometimes abandon the unfinished projects started by the previous regime in order to start their own new projects, which are in alignment with their particular agendas. But abandoning projects close to completion, especially those that were 80 per cent or more complete, had been proving to be highly wasteful. As Secretary, Planning, Government of Andhra Pradesh, I went to Chief Minister NT Rama Rao with a proposal to earmark Rs 1 crore per district (it was a substantial amount in those days), purely on grounds of efficiency, for projects that were 80 per cent completed (last mile projects). This Rs 1 crore would be spent only to complete these last mile projects. These projects were to be identified by a technical committee headed by the district collector and would be outside the normal budgetary allocations to the department concerned. The district collector's office was not subject to short-term political changes and would, I reasoned, ensure a longer-term perspective. I argued that the funds should be sanctioned straightaway as 'crucial balancing investment'. It would, I argued, greatly improve efficiencies. The then Secretary to the Chief Minister and my dear friend, UB Raghavendra Rao, was not convinced. He warned me that it would undermine both the process of expenditure authorisation by the government and the parliamentary system. I disagreed and persisted. NTR approved the crucial balancing investment scheme for each district. For a while, it was a success. After about five years, a weak Collector gave in to pressure from local politicians. The Rs 1 crore was distributed equally among Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) without the need to follow the 80 per cent completion guideline. Over time, this malpractice spread to other districts. Later, even the guideline of 80 per cent completion was officially diluted. Exactly the opposite of what was intended had taken place, and the original problem had worsened. Raghavendra Rao was proved right. Later, a similar scheme called the Members of Parliament (MP) Local Area Development Scheme was adopted by the Government of India with an even greater dilution of guidelines. What seemed at first an obvious solution using a pragmatic, dynamic plan to improve efficiency had had unintended consequences. This happened because I did not pay attention to possible second-order and third-order effects. A costly mistake, indeed. Although it is impossible to accurately envision all possible second and third-order effects, I have found that it is important to at least contemplate them. Over time, one's skill and judgement pertaining to next-order effects get honed, providing a very useful framework. As a government officer, my father would visit the villages in his jurisdiction. Despite his stature, he would sit with farmers and talk about their problems in local gathering places. He showed his deep empathy for the poor. During my vacations, I would accompany him. My father's concern for the common man influenced me greatly. As a student in Anantapur, I shared a hostel with young men from poor families, and this close experience also had a deep influence on me. The Telugu phrase 'samayam, sandarbham' translates to time and context. Samayam, sandarbham are always predominant in my decision-making. Nearly all actions and situations are meaningless when stripped of their time and context. What are considered pillars of virtue in one society (for example, the quality of harmony and collectivism in certain Asian cultures) might be less important in another, or might even be considered inferior (for example, in certain Western cultures, disruption and individualism are valued over harmony and the collective good). Also, developed markets with robust legal systems can support certain policies. These same measures will not work in less developed markets that lack strong and swift legal systems to which citizens can turn in the case of fraud or failure. Formulaic prescriptions should be viewed in context. There is a standard formula for measuring the optimum level of foreign exchange reserves of a country. In India (and elsewhere), forex reserves are the reserves of foreign convertible currencies (mainly US dollars) and gold held by the monetary authority for various reasons, including to provide stability to the system. (The International Monetary Fund's [IMF] Special Drawing Rights form much smaller components of the forex reserves.) The optimal level of forex reserves is calculated in economic terms and exposures. But what of geo-political factors? I maintained that we needed to also take geopolitical risks and security into account. President Bill Clinton was once quoted as saying that the US should help bail out Mexico in a time of need, but not some other country, such as India. (He specifically mentioned India as a country that the US would not help bail out.) In such a situation, Mexico can afford to have fewer reserves than India, which must have more because it does not belong to any bloc and cannot expect a bailout from anyone. India has to take care of at least three potential shocks from the external sector – food, fuel, and finance (external finance). I have also learnt from the sound counsel of Bimal Jalan. The RBI manages the public debt of the Government of India through the Public Debt Office. In 1997, as Deputy Governor, I argued for creating an independent debt office, separate from the RBI. This separation of powers seemed logical, efficient, and consistent with international practice. I made a presentation to Governor Jalan. He listened attentively and complimented me. Then, to my surprise, he asked me to write a note opposing my own recommendation (I later realised this was to help me think through the opposing view). On reflection, I understood his viewpoint. Our context was unique. When the RBI is the public debt manager for the government, it keeps in mind the government's interests. Once that function is taken out of the RBI's purview, the government is exposed to market risk and possible vested interests. Jalan felt we should hold off till our markets were sufficiently well-developed and the government was able to raise money without the RBI's help as a public debt manager. My initial view, while attractive at first, did not give sufficient weight to these realities. The experience of Greece (and several other countries) during the financial crisis of 2008 supported Jalan's wisdom. In summary, it is wise to look at formulae, theory, standard practice, and the experience of others while crafting policy or making decisions. To then evaluate their relevance in the particular samayam and sandarbham of the practitioner's system is even wiser. The RBI viewed certain financial innovations as healthy, but only in small quantities. A proliferation of these innovations often presented systemic risks that could be difficult to undo. Also, unlike Food and Drug Regulation authorities, which can first carry out controlled experiments with a drug before releasing it into the larger population, financial systems do not first test the safety of financial innovations before injecting them into markets. Timing can be crucial. In the 2004 elections, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led coalition government, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), was defeated and the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government, under the Congress's Sonia Gandhi, was elected. Although eventually Manmohan Singh was declared the prime minister, there was, for one day, great uncertainty about who would lead the country. During this time, there was an attack on the stock exchange. This resulted in a huge dollar outflow due to demand for the currency. The rupee began falling dramatically. The market sentiment was totally against us and acting in such an environment posed risks and costs. In addition, as RBI Governor, I had to keep the political leadership informed of my actions in a situation where we were politically rudderless. I called the outgoing finance minister, Jaswant Singh. I explained that I was not intervening immediately but would act at the appropriate time. Jaswant Singh was puzzled. He pointed out that he was not the finance minister anymore. I told him that, legally, until the next Cabinet was formed, he still was. Therefore, I reported to him. I assured him that he could convey this information to anyone he wanted if he felt it was appropriate. The rupee continued to fall, but we at the RBI did not act. By late morning, several people were asking the RBI to intervene. The clamour grew louder, as did the support for intervention. A little after lunchtime, we acted. The RBI intervened in a massive way – spending huge amounts to buy dollars, showing our strong determination, and stemming the slide. The markets stabilised. If the timing was wrong, the costs of intervention would have proved prohibitive in an environment of adverse market sentiment. We waited till such time as there was a critical minimum level at which at least some people in the markets started thinking that enough was enough and demanded that the RBI intervene. That was when we considered it appropriate to hit hard and decisively— we turned the anti-rupee sentiment into a pro-rupee sentiment. In all this, timing was key. At the RBI, one of the highlights was the chance to meet and interact with distinguished people. I served under Manmohan Singh and worked with P Chidambaram, Yashwant Sinha, and Jaswant Singh. The RBI board meetings were a delight. The Board of Directors included many eminent people – scientists such as APJ Abdul Kalam and UR Rao; industrialists such as Ashok Ganguly, Ratan Tata, and Narayana Murthy; economists such as A Vaidyanathan and Mihir Rakshit; and social workers such as Amrita Patel and Sashi Rajagopalan. The insights and perspectives gained during our regular meetings, as well as relationships formed during those sessions, still stay with me. I hosted many central bankers from other countries and a G20 summit (which at that time came and went without much fanfare). I also greatly enjoyed my interactions with journalists and looked forward to the friendly banter and repartee I shared with them. My job as RBI Governor was the ultimate in satisfaction, and in many respects, the highlight of my entire working life. Professionally, I had had a dream run and my working life had been intense, eventful, and consequential. In addition, I was immensely fortunate to be recognised for my work internationally and nationally, including with a Padma Vibhushan. YV Reddy was born on August 17, 1941. He is an Indian economist and a former IAS officer of the 1964 batch belonging to the Andhra Pradesh cadre. Reddy served as Governor of the Reserve Bank of India from September 2003 to September 2008.
India Today
24-06-2025
- Politics
- India Today
The day India was chained by Emergency
(NOTE: This article was originally published in the India Today issue dated December 15, 1975)The day it happened no tanks rolled, no guns roared. There was not even an alert for the defence forces. It was business as usual at airports and railway stations, shops and offices, schools and colleges, homes and farms. Yet there was an undercurrent of tension in the city. Certain politicians had threatened to bring the whole nation to a standstill. Far fewer people were out on the otherwise busy roads of the Indian capital. Many stayed indoors fearing violence. But there was had any inkling of the move that morning. The Prime Minister's broadcast to the nation about the declaration of the Emergency took people by surprise. There was already an emergency in force since the Bangladesh war of 1971. But the June 26 Emergency was declared to deal with an internal situation, to prevent violence planned by some opposition members. It was a swift and silent constitutional step which brought about immediate protest marches that rocked Indian cities on an almost daily basis, the wild scenes enacted by members of the opposition in the Houses of Parliament, the burning of buses and constant strikes suddenly vanished. Only a few months later, the Commonwealth Secretary-General Mr Ram Phal remarked that in no other country had he seen fewer signs of an Emergency situation as in the Indian capital. Due to the generally easy-going attitude towards rules and regulations, some Indian cities were strange for foreigners to The Emergency seems to have inculcated a consciousness amongst people, who now think cautiously before breaking any law. Intentionally or unintentionally, the government has succeeded in making New Delhi one of the quietest capitals in the cobbler goes to bank: Barely a week after the declaration of the Emergency, Mrs Gandhi announced a 20-point economic programme. India has had many economic plans drawn up in the past and even the planners had begun to show cynicism about the feasibility of first aspect of this new programme seeks remedies for the country's short-term problems, mainly the rise in prices and slump in production. The other aspect covers India's long-term problems of agricultural production and effective distribution of essential commodities. In a country that is largely dependent on agriculture for its prosperity and with 70 per cent of the population living off the land, agriculture only started receiving attention from planners at a late stage and on a limited Indian government has now got more basic in its approach to economic planning, rather than the sweeping programmes of the past which did nothing more than affect superficial, temporary change. One of the first steps taken by Mrs Gandhi after the declaration of the Emergency, was to make loans available to small farmers from banks, thereby squashing the tradition of only the urban rich being able to borrow, and final's getting the rural poor out of the clutches of the village. But, due to sociological trends and habit, the government must still undertake massive programmes to inform villagers of the new opportunities available to them or there is a danger of this creditable scheme being destroyed in the years, the landless labourers of India have constituted the poorest section of society. Despite many earlier efforts by the government and spiritual leaders like Vinoba Bhave, who carried out a gramdan movement, the basic structure of rural society remained the same. Now, the government has acted more powerfully than in the past. Not relying on the goodwill of the rural rich, legislation has been passed, setting a ceiling on rural land ownership and there has been distribution of land for about 20 million homeless addition, for the first time the interstate river water disputes are being defrozen to bring in an extra five million acres under irrigation. According to Mr Jagjivan Ram, the Agriculture Minister, 14 major irrigation schemes will be tied up with World Bank assistance. If India can utilize all its river water potential, it would be self-reliant and even be able to export agricultural products in a big the Agriculture Ministry tends to grab all the credit for the bumper harvest of 102 million tonnes in the year ending June 30, the timely rains and other favourable conditions have played an undeniably decisive role. The government now predicts an annual crop of 115 million tonnes, which would top India's record 100 million tonnes in the rupee work: Two days before the Prime Minister's broadcast to the nation on November 11, the Congress President, Devkanta Barooah, asked at a meeting organized by the Hindustani Mercantile Association: "Who lives if India dies? And who dies if India lives?" Mr Barooah stressed that if a handful of vocal and anti-democratic elements sought to destroy peace and stability at home, organized trade, industry, public administration, educational and economic institutions would cease industrialist, Krishan Kumar Birla, presiding over the meeting, admitted the economic situation was beginning to lift itself from the stagnant morass it was in before the Emergency. Mr Birla said, trade and industry would support Mrs Gandhi's economic policies. This declared support has important implications. The Congress Party has taken a cautious stance between capitalists and workers. Recently, legislation was passed giving incentives to industrial enterprises and discouraging strikes by India's tax rate remains one of the highest in the world, mainly because, out of a population of 600 million only Rs 500,000 pay income tax. Despite the government raising the income tax exemption from Rs 6,000 to Rs 8,000, the high rate has been used as an excuse by income tax evaders. The parallel economy run by smugglers, tax evaders, foreign exchange racketeers and hoarders is gradually being crippled. Plugging this leak which deprived the exchequer of $1,200 million a year, would mean bridging the budget deficit, further tax relief and the easing of inflation. The government has radically changed its old policy towards big business and industries are getting easier and cheaper inputs. A concerted effort is also being made to increase exports and further collaboration with other delinking of the rupee from the Sterling has finally checked the constant fall of the value of the rupee - which had previously clutched precariously to its sinking partner - the pound. Indians abroad have been given incentives for investment and better facilities for remittances home. Although inflation is now under control, the effects of these new measures on the economy can only be gauged after a period of at least six babus and baniyas: In India, the two strongest symbols of corruption have traditionally been the Babu and the Baniya. These are both derogatory Hindi epithets, the first meaning a petty pen pusher, the second, a petty profiteer. Because of the Babu, bureaucratic red tape had succeeded in entangling and slowing down even the simplest of procedures. But, the impact of the government's drive to improve efficiency in administrative offices is already Union Home Minister, Brahma Nand Reddy, made it clear to every government employee that they should get rid of the old feeling that they were the masters of the people. It has been made clear there is no room for the corrupt, lazy and inefficient. Several government officials have been sacked, retired prematurely, demoted, suspended and in some cases, even the small administration of the union territory of Delhi alone, as many as 86 officers and other employees are facing punishment. Before the Emergency, the rush hour in the capital took place around 10.30 a.m. The lunch hour would extend from one to two hours, depending on how card games progressed in the spacious gardens surrounding most government offices. The rush for home took place at least an hour or two before the scheduled time. The lazy atmosphere has now given way to quicker procedural work. In some offices, the gates are closed for employees who arrive late. In others, latecomers are given red marks which means the loss of a day's casual however, sometimes backfires when late employees prefer to absent the traders, it is now obligatory to display prices, a drastic change from their habit of quoting any price according to rise and fall of demand. Charging more than the displayed price is an offence. It was common for consumers to suffer due to extreme shortages of certain commodities which though existent in the country, were hoarded away to be sold at more profitable times. Numerous hoarders have found themselves behind bars. Nationwide raids to squeeze out concealed stocks with the full co-operation of the people, have introduced a new awareness of the right of the consumer, amongst both officials and campus: Before the Emergency it was a common sight to see students out in the streets and rarely inside the campus. Goaded by extremists and militants, they indulged in public factional fights, stoning and burning of buses, holding up trains and damaging public property. It had become a pattern with political parties to exploit college students and use them as storm troopers for their violent, political were an average of three student agitations a day in the country last year. Within one year student agitations in different parts of the country had damaged property and the transport system to about Rs 200 million. This year there have been none. Attendance in schools and colleges has gone up from 30 to 50 per cent last year to 85 and 100 per cent this year. There were educational institutions where, in an academic year, classes occupied barely six to eight weeks of the students' time. There have been no reports of universities being closed down since educational system had barely been changed from what the British had established. Every year, millions of students graduated from colleges, educated but untrained for any specific jobs. This led to a great deal of frustration amongst the unemployed youth and contributed greatly to what is now called the Brain Drain. To overcome this, vocational education and work experience has been introduced in 1,000 selected schools in the country under the new 10 + 2 + 3 systems. (This means, a minimum of ten academic years in school, followed by two years at the higher secondary level and a further three years in college. Although this adds another year to the present 11+3 system, that is eleven years in school followed by three years in college, backward students will now be given vocational training at the Higher Secondary level.) Lecturers, in the post-Emergency period are taking 18 to 20 classes in a week, whereas before, in one Delhi college a lecturer took a mere 20 classes in the whole are also being taken to provide the students with easier and cheaper methods of education. Books and stationery have been made available to them at cheaper prices through co-operative stores in over 40 colleges in Delhi and they are also being provided with cheaper food in hostels and canteens through consumer of press: There has been worldwide concern about the curbs put on the press since the Emergency. Mrs Gandhi has repeatedly said that she does not want to muzzle the press. But, the problems for democracies is to decide where freedom begins and responsibility to the strict libel laws in most western countries, the press there rarely prints anything that cannot be substantiated. In India, the libel laws are such, that even if a writer or newspaper issued, the time involved in a court case is so lengthy, that few consider it worth their while. The inbuilt restraints on the western press do not exist in India. Thus, the Indian press before the emergency was at liberty to print any rumours or reports without often called "a lively press" by many western newspapers, it was in many ways "a wild press." The obscene language used in headlines, particularly in the Indian language press, is an unheard-of situation in the west. As the Emergency continues, press censorship rules, are gradually being relaxed to allow constructive criticism of government minority: The other face of the emergency has posed the question: Is discipline, efficiency and hard work without violence incompatible with democracy? Must discipline, efficiency and social responsibility be a product of fear and coercion?There have been complaints about the gagging of the opposition but two of the largest states in the country, Tamil Nadu and Gujarat have opposition governments working fairly well and implementing the economic programme with the same vigor as Congress was a handful of the opposition who were involved in all kinds of agitations who were arrested. This opposition attracted a great deal of attention by indulging in incredible actions before the emergency. Yet, there were no positive programmes either presented or implemented by had formed coalitions with no common ideology but to dislodge Mrs Gandhi. There was no unifying figure amongst them. When Jayaprakash Narayan first returned to the political scene after years of retirement, many idealists saw in him hope for the future of India and joined his camp. But successive mistakes and his merging with all types of political opportunists and hooligans disillusioned many of his followers. Jayaprakash Narayan predicted a national revolution on the day he was arrested. The calm that followed, speaks not only for self but points out how mistaken J.P. was about his is the Emergency? What a handful would consider suppression, millions of Indians do seem to consider emancipation. Whereas six months ago visitors to India heard little else but complaints about the lack of consumer products and unbearable soaring prices, the average person is grateful he can now feed his family and get more value for his are few glaring signs of the emergency in India as most of the changes are subtle. A young television reporter visiting New Delhi from New York, asked in surprise, "Where are the soldiers? Where are the guns? Where is the Emergency?" Perhaps there is some wisdom in what a political leader in Delhi said recently, "We can use the Emergency to boost tourism in India. The slogan for publicity campaigns should be: Come to India to see the Emergency. There has never been anything like this in any democracy before."No more organised thugism: Officials have claimed that there has been a popular response in the south to the emergency proclamation. Judged by experience, the claims seemed highly exaggerated and along expected lines. It seemed incredible that our people should accept and welcome what Western commentators had chosen to describe variously, ranging from "temporary demise of democracy" to the "establishment of dictatorship." Yet a visit to Hyderabad, Bangalore, Madras and Trivandrum showed that the people in the south have generally welcomed the declaration of emergency and the sudden transformation it has brought about. Many felt that the emergency should have been clamped down much earlier and anarchy ended. A few even went to the length of saying that what had been done now should have been done as far back as to the emergency, Trivandrum, for instance, was the scene of endless trouble and turmoil. Agitations, strikes, gheraos and demonstrations had become the order of the day. Hardly a day passed when demonstrators did not noisily besiege the Secretariat's main entrance, now popularly named "Satyagraha Gate." Indiscipline and indifference were equally rampant inside government offices, where no one seemed to care a damn. The common man was held to ransom by militant workers and subjected to "organized thugism." No one was permitted to carry one's own purchases from the bazar without first paying fixed dues to the head load worker, who claimed this as a right. Students contributed not a little to the tumult, spending most of their time in the streets or in union activity and elections, which often resulted in flows the town: Life in Trivandrum now flows more smoothly than at any time since independence. There are fewer steel helmeted policemen on the streets than before. The ordinary man can now carry his purchases from the bazar without having to pay for the pleasure of doing offices are functioning; employees often turn up during holidays to clear arrears. Labour unrest has disappeared and there is peace in the factories and projects; one no longer hears talk of shifting the Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre in Thumba, near Trivandrum, to Bangalore or other suitable peaceful areas. Onam, Kerala's principal festival, was different and peaceful this year. The people got adequate supply of rice and wheat and, what is more, prices were strictly controlled and, for once, did not rise because of the seasonal demand. Educational institutions presented a welcome picture of peace and quiet and, as the wife of a friend in Hyderabad just back from a visit to her family in Cochin, quipped: "I saw something unbelievable. Students in classes actually studying - and teachers teaching!"Things were never half as bad in Hyderabad or Bangalore. But there, too, one noticed a marked change. In Karnataka, the emergency has helped, among other things, to trim and tone up the administration. The tempo of work has greatly improved and, as Chief Minister Devaraj Urs said, a sense of accountability has been infused at all levels. Time was when government officials and other employees, infected by the countrywide disease of indiscipline and indifference, played truant and could be seen merrily enjoying themselves at Bangalore's popular race course during office this and more has now stopped, due to the imagination shown by the youthful minister of Information, Mr Gundu Rao, in getting erring employees quietly photographed at the race course and following this up with stern disciplinary action for dereliction of duty on the strength of proof positive. Substandard work is no longer tolerated, as reflected in the clean and orderly look of the imposing Vidhana Soudha and the many administrative offices it houses.A hundred days after: The emergency has also helped to achieve in Karnataka what persuasion could not. In the first hundred days, the "ration" population of metropolitan Bangalore dropped sharply from 2.4 million to its census figure of two million. Voluntary surrenders have already saved the Government 15,000 quintals of rice, wheat and sugar every month. Simultaneously, vigorous measures are under way to implement Mrs Gandhi's 20-point programme. The State Government recently gave a fresh lead on the price front by cutting down the prices of rationed rice by 20 paise to 54 paise per kg. This had the desired effect and the people happily experienced for the first time a fall in foodgrains and vegetable prices before the onset of the festival Urs is leaving nothing to chance and is determined to improve upon the State's record. Karnataka was, for instance, the first State to supply scarce notebooks to students at subsidised rates. Each ministerial colleague has been allotted one district to ensure speedy implementation of the programme - and asked to maintain a pro forma of the progress made. Mr Urs himself has taken charge of two the pace: Hyderabad, set the tone for the trip. Barring a few exceptions, almost everyone enthusiastically welcomed the emergency after apologetically saying: "We realize that the press cannot really be happy with censorship ..." The feelings were summed up best by a veteran non-partyman who said: "Our people were sick and tired of endless agitations and the drift towards anarchy. They wanted an end to the spreading rot and wanted a change. The emergency has brought about both."As in Trivandrum and Bangalore, what makes the common man happy is the fact that the administration in the state government, led by Mr Vengal Rao, has already earned rich dividends in the shape of unprecedented popular co-operation. Andhra Pradesh has already set a record in collection of tax arrears. This has enabled the government not only to wipe off its overdraft with the Reserve Bank but also to step up its annual plan by Rs 340 million to Rs 1870 presented a somewhat different picture. The enthusiasm for the emergency which one saw in Hyderabad, Bangalore and Trivandrum was not quite evident in Madras, where many people take their cue from the DMK government and its leader, Mr Karunanidhi. Nevertheless, one sensed widespread relief over the peace and quiet which generally prevails in the city and the discipline which is in evidence in most walks of life, especially among students who were beginning to run authorities claimed that prices had not only been controlled but actually brought down. The average citizen, however, seemed to feel envious of fellow citizens in the neighbouring states. Knowledgeable people confirmed that the fall in prices was small in comparison, but added: "Prices in Madras were relatively favourable before the emergency." Of particular interest was the fact that no one in Madras had any illusion about New Delhi's intention to firmly enforce the emergency. The authorities, for their part, seemed anxious to avoid giving any occasion for complaint.A means to an end: All this is not to say that no one in the South had any doubts to express or suggestions to offer. Most thinking people felt that the emergency and all the discipline it had infused in national life was only a means to an end and not an end in was widespread concern, especially among industrialists, at the recession in demand, which was placed at between 30 and 40 per cent. Many earnestly hoped that New Delhi and its economic pundits would be proved right and that demand would pick up in the wake of the record kharif crop. The experience in Andhra Pradesh, where prices of rice crashed following a bumper harvest, seemed to have created concern.A top industrialist said: "New Delhi must remember that the main battle has to be fought on the economic front." But the average outlook on the emergency was best summed up by a shrewd observer in Trivandrum who said: "Mrs Gandhi's 20-point programme is fine. All of us will be more than happy even if she can put through a four-point programme: adequate food, discipline, law and order and protection against official harassment. Basically, our people are simple, and their demands are simple too."Subscribe to India Today Magazine- EndsMust Watch
Mint
04-06-2025
- General
- Mint
Breaking: Monsoon session of Parliament from July 21 to August 12, says Kiren Rijiju
Monsoon session of Parliament will be held from July 21 to August 12, news agency ANI reported. 'Government has decided to commence Monsoon Session of Parliament from 21st July to 12th August 2025,' Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju was quoted as saying by the agency. (This is a developing story. Check back for updates)
