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Irish Times
9 hours ago
- Politics
- Irish Times
Senator George Mitchell: The man Ian Paisley called ‘a foreigner and a pro-Irish republican'
In the months after the signing of the Belfast Agreement in April 1998, a letter arrived in the morning post at the homes of more than a few journalists in Ireland and Britain. It was an unusual one. I was one of those to receive it – a personal note of thanks from former US senator George Mitchell , the man who had chaired the years of tortuous negotiations in Stormont. In it, he said he deeply appreciated the role the press plays, particularly in a divided society. I was struck by his decision to pen letters to the same reporters who had questioned him, his motivations and his handling of the talks at every turn. This was so especially given that by then he was back home in New York with his wife and young son and could have been forgiven for never wanting to think about Northern Ireland , its people or its politicians ever again. We were used to dealing with stuffy, aloof British government ministers sent to Belfast , often as a punishment. But Mitchell was cut from a different cloth, always approachable, open, interested. READ MORE Agreement in Northern Ireland did not come overnight. It took many painful months and years. But George Mitchell stuck at it, keeping the negotiators at the table, despite the violence that continued on the streets. Photograph: Jan McCullough George Mitchell filming in his home town of Waterville, Maine. Photograph: Jan McCullough When he and his wife, Heather, returned to Belfast in April 2023 for the 25th anniversary of the Belfast Agreement, he stole the show at an event at Queen's University, even in the presence of Tony Blair, Bill Clinton and others. [ 'A handful of hopefuls can create change': George Mitchell passes on the torch to a new generation Opens in new window ] His words that day were typical of the man from Maine. He celebrated the achievement of the historic accord, but he also implored everyone to do more, to continue to build on the peace, not to take it for granted. I left Queen's that day not only determined to document what he had achieved while in Belfast, but to also understand what it was from his background that made him such a successful negotiator. When his son, Andrew, was born in October 1997 during one of the most fruitless chapters of the talks, one of his staff told him that 61 children had been born in Northern Ireland on the same day – children who deserved to grow up in peace. It was a thought that drove him often. He should never have been in Northern Ireland. The senator from the state of Maine had passed up an opportunity to be President Clinton's pick for the Supreme Court. In January 1995, he became Clinton's economic adviser on Northern Ireland. Having organised that year's Washington economic conference on Northern Ireland, he drafted the Mitchell Principles to help bring Sinn Féin and the loyalist parties into the talks, if they accepted exclusively peaceful means. George Mitchell with film-maker Trevor Birney (centre) and film crew in Waterville, Maine Few were surprised when he was Dublin and London's first choice to chair the talks, even if it provoked outrage from Ian Paisley in early 1996, who said the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) would quit if Mitchell arrived. 'This is about whether George Mitchell, a foreigner and a pro-Irish republican, should preside at talks that have the future destiny of Northern Ireland at hand,' the DUP leader charged. Many others were simply amazed that such a senior US figure would dedicate his time to finding a solution to a conflict deemed unfixable, where so many other efforts had failed before. That was his art, it was never about him. When we set out to make The Negotiator, it was with a desire to discover what had shaped him as a man, as a politician and as a skilled negotiator He quietly went about gaining the trust of those who would occupy Castle Buildings on Stormont's grounds for two years. Resolutions are not found in public. They are hidden in the cracks and crevices of differences. Mitchell's attention to granular detail and his ability to listen with intention allowed him to reach a deep understanding of the conflict that ultimately led to compromise and agreement. Film-maker, Trevor Birney I was one of the many journalists who gathered daily outside the gates of Castle Buildings on Stormont's grounds, attempting to find something new to say. Even though I was very junior, Mitchell and his team were always approachable and helpful as journalists sought to find where truth lay between the briefings and counter-briefings from the governments and the political parties. [ George Mitchell: Northern Ireland's peace must evolve. And if it is here to stay it must be shared Opens in new window ] Agreement did not come overnight. It took many painful months and years. But Mitchell stuck at it, keeping the negotiators at the table, despite the violence that continued on the streets. He could have issued ultimatums and deadlines. Instead, he let everyone air their grievances, day after day. People had to be heard, and to feel that they had been heard. An agreement would be written by them, not dictated by him. That was his art, it was never about him. When we set out to make The Negotiator, it was with a desire to discover what had shaped him as a man, as a politician and as a skilled negotiator. In large part, the answer was found in his home state of Maine, where he honed his political skills as a young lawyer. His mother, who could not read or write, was from Bkassine in southern Lebanon. His Boston-born father had been adopted by a Lebanese-American family. George and his four siblings had a humble childhood, living in a two-room shack by the side of the Kennebec river in Waterville. Early on, he learned that listening to others was the key. Later, as a US senator for Maine, he spent six years finding an agreement over Maine's Acadia National Park's boundaries – an issue that had caused bitter local division for 25 years: 'Patience is a muscle,' he said. Leaving Queen's at the end of the 25th anniversary celebrations, I felt that we had failed properly to document his life, and the road that brought him to Belfast despite all of the time that he had spent in the city. Before he left, I asked him whether he would take part in a documentary charting his life. Thankfully, he agreed. Over several days, we interviewed him at the Mitchells' family home on Mount Desert Island, and also in New York. [ George Mitchell says Belfast Agreement will always be a challenge Opens in new window ] There was a lot of life to cram into one film. In Northern Ireland, he had achieved something that was widely accepted as impossible – a political settlement that brought an apparently intractable conflict to an end. There are busts of him in Belfast. A Colin Davidson portrait celebrates him in New York. People still want to shake his head and tell him they had believed that he was doomed to fail, but were grateful that he had not. Today, for all its flaws, the Belfast our daughters have grown up in was gifted by those who took risks for peace in an agreement hammered out in Castle Buildings on days when there was often little hope. There were many peacemakers, but Mitchell was at the centre. His legacy stands as a beacon: conflicts can be solved if people learn to listen, to properly listen. Where patience is a muscle. The lesson, according to George Mitchell. Journalist Trevor Birney's projects have included producing the Kneecap film and writing a book and making a documentary about businessman Seán Quinn. His documentary The Negotiator was released this week.
Yahoo
13 hours ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
DR Congo-Rwanda ceasefire deal still faces many challenges
Both sides of the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have committed to disarming and disengaging their alleged proxies. But there are dozens of non-state armed groups active in the region and it's not clear whether all of them will adhere to the ceasefire. Just hours before the deal was signed, one of them, the Codeco militia, attacked a displaced persons camp in Ituri province, killing 10 people. Keeping these non-state actors in line will be a tall order. Part of the peace deal involves creating the conditions to allow the hundreds of thousands of people displaced by the conflict to return home. That won't be possible without a complete cessation of hostilities. Due to the eastern DRC's vast mineral resources, critical to modern technology including electric car and mobile phone batteries, the economic incentives for rebel groups are incredibly tempting, and this deal does not mention alternatives which may convince these groups to stop fighting over valuable territory. Integrating them into an under-resourced Congolese armed force is unlikely to prove enough of a deterrent. It's also still not clear what preferential access, if any, the US has been offered to the DRC's minerals. President Donald Trump has made it clear that this is one of his key incentives for agreeing to support the peace process. But granting the US unfettered access to the country's mineral wealth is unpopular with many in the DRC, upset that the country's resources have failed to provide a better life for its citizens. As to the key questions of whether Rwandan forces will withdraw from eastern DRC, the US position is that once the Hutu-led FDLR, which Rwanda says is backed by the DRC and aims to overthrow the Rwandan government, is dismantled, then Rwanda will also row back on its "defensive measure". This appears to be an oblique reference to the presence of Rwandan armed forces in eastern DRC. If the US is able to convince the Rwandans to do this in earnest, it would be a big victory for Washington and Kinshasa. Rwanda has repeatedly denied its troops are on the ground in eastern DRC, despite credible reports they've actively supported groups like M23 in the region. Congolese rebels want peaceful solution to crisis, UN says Ex-DR Congo president returns from self-imposed exile, party says DR Congo conflict tests China's diplomatic balancing act How DR Congo's Tutsis become foreigners in their own country 'They took all the women here': Rape survivors recall horror of DR Congo jailbreak Go to for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica Focus on Africa This Is Africa
LBCI
15 hours ago
- Politics
- LBCI
War fallout or peace push? Israel and US explore dramatic regional shifts
Report by Amal Shehadeh, English adaptation by Mariella Succar The recent war with Iran—and the terms under which it ended—has raised speculation about whether a new regional order is beginning to take shape. The momentum appears to be driven by the U.S. President Donald Trump, who is reportedly a contender for the Nobel Peace Prize, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is seeking to avoid conviction in an ongoing corruption trial that could lead to prison. For Netanyahu, the specter of incarceration has long haunted him, and critics say it has fueled his desire to prolong the wars he wages. Israeli officials have confirmed that Netanyahu is expected to visit Washington in the coming two weeks, a trip they say will cap a series of current talks on potentially dramatic steps regarding the future of the Middle East. Gaza, Syria, Lebanon, and Iran are all reportedly part of the proposed regional settlements. As for the West Bank, Trump is expected to recognize Israeli sovereignty over parts of it—an apparent gift to the far-right government led by Netanyahu, Bezalel Smotrich, and Itamar Ben Gvir. Officials believe the first phase of any settlement will focus on Gaza. That was reportedly discussed in a recent call between Trump and Netanyahu, in which U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Israeli Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer also participated. The call included talks about the release of Israeli hostages and an end to the Gaza war within two weeks, after which four Arab countries—including Egypt and the United Arab Emirates—would take over the administration of Gaza. Under this proposal, Hamas leaders would be exiled from the territory. On Syria, which could be framed as a peace achievement for Trump, efforts are reportedly underway to support ongoing talks between Israeli and Syrian officials. The discussions are being overseen by Israeli National Security Adviser Tzachi Hanegbi, who expressed optimism during a meeting of the Knesset's Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, saying normalization with Syria—and potentially with Lebanon—was within reach. That optimism, however, is not universally shared. Many observers say Lebanon remains a particularly complex case, citing Hezbollah's dominant political role and ongoing efforts to restore its military capabilities. Israeli political and security officials have made clear they hope to leverage the recent conflict with Iran to bring Lebanon and Syria into the Abraham Accords. The question of a Palestinian state, however, has barely been mentioned and appears to remain on the margins of these developments.
Sky News
4 days ago
- Politics
- Sky News
Why hastily declared ceasefires tend to be fragile
Ceasefires that are suddenly declared tend to be pretty fragile. Stable ceasefires usually require a lot of preparation so that everyone on both sides knows what is supposed to happen, and - more importantly - when. And they normally agree on how it will be monitored so one side cannot seize a quick advantage by breaking it suddenly. Without such preparations, and sometimes even with them, ceasefires will tend to be breached - perhaps by accident, perhaps because one side does not exercise full control over its own forces, perhaps as a result of false alarms, or even because a third party - a guerrilla group or a militia, say - choose that moment to launch an attack of their own. 1:23 The important question is whether a ceasefire breach is just random and unfortunate, or else deliberate and systemic - where someone is actively trying to break it. Either way, ceasefires have to be politically reinforced all the time if they are to hold. 0:45 All sides may need to rededicate themselves to it at regular intervals, mainly because, as genuine enemies, they won't trust each other and will remain naturally suspicious at every twitch and utterance from the other side. This is where an external power like the United States plays a critical part. If enemies like Israel and Iran naturally distrust each other and need little incentive to "hit back" in some way at every provocation, it will take US pressure to make them abide by a ceasefire that may be breaking down. Appeals to good nature are hardly relevant in this respect. An external arbiter has to make the continuance of a ceasefire a matter of hard national interest to both sides. And that often requires as much bullying as persuasion. It may be true that "blessed are the peacemakers".
ABC News
4 days ago
- Politics
- ABC News
Will the ceasefire between Israel and Iran last?
It's been a day of chaos and confusion in the Middle East but also a day that could be the tentative start of a peace process. Matthew Doran in the ABC's correspondent and speaks to David Speers from Be'er Sheva.
