Latest news with #politicalpower
Telegraph
2 days ago
- Entertainment
- Telegraph
Why on earth does J D Vance want to holiday in the Cotswolds?
In 1925, if Charles G Dawes, the US Republican vice-president and future ambassador to the United Kingdom, had taken his vacation in Britain, it is unlikely that the Cotswolds would have been on his itinerary. London, certainly, to meet the prime minister, Stanley Baldwin; and perhaps Scotland for the grouse shooting. But a century ago, the Cotswolds were a picturesque agrarian backwater. The novelist Nancy Mitford, who grew up by the Windrush valley, immortalised her childhood landscape in The Pursuit of Love as a place inhabited by backwoods peers and their gamekeepers, with fox hunting the only distraction from the prevailing rustic ennui. The pretty villages and rolling hills of the Cotswolds have captivated artists and writers, from William Morris and T S Eliot to Jilly Cooper's racy Rutshire chronicles and Armistead Maupin, whose most recent novel, Mona of the Manor, is a camp romp set in Gloucestershire. In summer the residents brace themselves for the coach parties that throng the quaint streets. But they are currently braced for sightings of a different sort of vehicle: the armoured SUVs of the vice-presidential security detail, escorting J D Vance and his family to their holiday home. The transformation of the Cotswolds from a beautiful and rather private swathe of middle English landscape to a hub of high-wattage celebrity and political power has been a gradual process, with dramatic effects. Resident celebs – invariably voluble about the charm of a simple, rustic life – include Kate Moss, David Beckham, Damien Hirst and Idris Elba. And the group of political and media figures known as the Chipping Norton set (whose supposed members deny that any such entity exists) includes the former prime minister, David Cameron (now Lord Cameron of Chipping Norton), the television presenter, farmer, shopkeeper and publican, Jeremy Clarkson, the News International executive, Rebekah Brooks and her husband, the racing columnist Charlie Brooks, the media executive Elisabeth Murdoch and her then husband, Matthew Freud, et al. The Spectator magazine reports that 'apparently senior British political figures, who have knowledge of the Cotswolds social scene' are helping with the Vance family's holiday arrangements. Where power congregates, so does the necessary infrastructure, and the Cotswolds is now lavishly supplied with facilities that might attract a US vice-president in search of some R&R: private members' clubs, each more exclusive than the last, pubs owned by celebs and an American-owned deli in Stow-on-the-Wold. Local estate agents report a surge in wealthy American clients seeking to settle permanently in the area. In the vanguard were the comedian Ellen DeGeneres and her wife, Portia de Rossi, who sought sanctuary in the UK after the election of President Trump. DeGeneres enthuses about their new life: 'Everything here is just better,' she told the broadcaster Richard Bacon. 'People are polite.' The Vance family will hope she is right about the politeness: their recent US vacations were bedevilled by protests, and there are rumours of 'resistance' in the Cotswolds. Meanwhile the Americanisation continues apace. All that is missing is a reality show, along the lines of Real Housewives of Beverly Hills. But in Charlbury, preparations have begun for a pilot with a cast of unspeakably glossy and well-connected residents – rumoured working title, Ladies of the Cotswolds. What fun Nancy Mitford would have had with it all.
ABC News
23-07-2025
- Politics
- ABC News
Inside the quiet court room where NSW MP Gareth Ward is accused of sexual abuse
For two months, a sitting member of the NSW Parliament has been on trial, accused of sexually abusing two young men during his ascendancy to the halls of political power. Warning: This story contains details of alleged sexual abuse which may distress some readers. Gareth Ward has pleaded not guilty to five offences, including indecent assault and sexual intercourse without consent. The 44-year-old is the independent MP for the South Coast seat of Kiama, but he was once a key part of Gladys Berejiklian's Liberal ministry. Legal rules around protecting victims of sexual crimes meant for weeks the court was closed to the public as the complainants gave evidence. Even when the court reopened, there were few spectators watching the trial of the once high-profile political figure. Just the slow rhythm of legal argument unfolding in court — where a man who once held a child protection portfolio sits in the dock, accused of abusing his power behind closed doors. In court, one of his alleged victims described the feeling more starkly: "I felt basically a vampire was running the blood bank." As the jury retires, they will turn their attention to the issues of consent and power and decide whose evidence they choose to believe. The trial centres on two separate complainants. The first man, then 24, alleges Mr Ward sexually assaulted him at his Potts Point apartment in 2015 after drinks at Parliament House. The second man says he was 18 when Mr Ward invited him to his home at Meroo Meadow on the South Coast in 2013 and assaulted him while the complainant was drunk and pretending to be asleep on the lawn. He also alleges that later inside the house, Mr Ward straddled and gave him a massage. Mr Ward used alcohol, charm and authority to cross physical boundaries, the complainants argued. They told the jury they stayed in contact with the politician afterwards out of fear, shame and a desire to protect their careers. Mr Ward has denied the accusations levelled against him, claiming they either never occurred or did not amount to sexual abuse. The politician has not taken the stand to provide an alternate version of events and the jury was told he was under no obligation to do so. On his behalf, his legal team argued the accusations levelled against him were distorted by time and alcohol and could not be relied upon. The younger complainant told the court he was pretending to be passed out on the back lawn of Mr Ward's Meroo Meadow home in February 2013 when the politician first assaulted him. "I was thinking the prank was going well. I was about to say 'gotcha' and he put his hand down my pants," the man said. He said Mr Ward then moved his hand to the front of the complainant's shorts, briefly touching his genitals. The complainant said he then stood up and told Mr Ward he wanted to go to bed and started to walk into the house with the MP just behind him. He said, once inside, Mr Ward placed his hands on his shoulders and said he was "too drunk to sleep alone", guiding him to the bedroom. He said he lay facedown on the bed, trying to rationalise the situation as normal, despite feeling unable to say no. Soon after, he said, Mr Ward got on top of him, straddling his buttocks, and began massaging his lower back without asking. "He said he'd done a massage course," the complainant testified. He told the jury he eventually convinced Mr Ward to stop, and when he did, the complainant fell asleep. He left the house the next morning. He kept the incident a secret for years but broke his silence in 2020 when he discovered the then Liberal politician had been appointed minister for families, communities and disability services. The older complainant alleges Mr Ward assaulted him in 2015 after a night of drinks at NSW Parliament House. The political staffer, then 24, said Mr Ward offered him a bed at his Potts Point apartment, joined him uninvited, and sexually assaulted him. "I said no," he told the jury. The man said he felt pain and confusion as a result of the alleged assault, but maintained a friendship with the politician in the years that followed out of fear and pragmatism. The defence highlighted affectionate messages sent by the complainant after the alleged incident, including calling the MP "love", "pet" and "darl". But the man said he regularly used the terms, borrowed from a 1980s TV show starring Magda Szubanski, and they were intended to avoid tension. The defence questioned a key investigator, former Detective Senior Constable Cameron Bignell, about several inconsistencies in his investigation and lines of inquiry that were not pursued. The detective acknowledged there were aspects of the investigation he did not pursue because he "believed the victim" and parts that could have been handled differently. Throughout the trial, prosecutors have repeatedly returned to the theme of power: how a charismatic politician may have used influence to silence or disarm those around him. One friend of the older complainant told the court the man confided in him but was scared to report the incident. "He was worried he'd lose his job," the friend said. The trial heard from Kristo Langker, producer of friendlyjordies — a YouTube show about Australian culture and political issues. Mr Langker told the jury he met the younger complainant with host Jordan Shanks after they were contacted in late 2020. The court heard the complainant told them Mr Ward was "powerful" and that he was afraid to go to the police. They urged him to report it, saying it wasn't their "domain". Shortly after, the man also contacted ABC journalist, Gavin Coote, who testified the complainant disclosed an alleged assault that occurred when he was 18, but the journalist said he would not pick up the story. The trial was initially set to run for four weeks, but repeated delays have caused the case to run into a ninth week. On some days, the court has sat for just an hour before legal argument has pushed the jury out of the room. Another interruption came in mid-June, when a water main burst near the Downing Centre and flooded part of the 117-year-old building. From that point, the case was permanently relocated to Darlinghurst Court House and the aging infrastructure has caused continual interruptions for the endlessly accommodating judge. The court also lost some hours in the seventh week when one of the key police witnesses failed to return for cross examination. In closing submissions, the prosecution said Mr Ward had a "tendency" to be sexually interested in young, subordinate men, and to act on that interest. The prosecution argued both men independently came forward to share strikingly similar allegations of abuse. Both complainants described being assaulted in similar settings, the court heard, involving alcohol, a power imbalance, and late-night visits to Mr Ward's homes. Meanwhile, the defence argued that the allegations were shaped by the corrosive effects of time, alcohol, and memory reconstruction. Mr Ward's barrister David Campbell SC questioned inconsistencies in the complainants' accounts, including conflicting versions of key events, emotional states, and relationships and suggested the jury could not rely on recollections of nights described as heavily intoxicated. He argued the alleged incident at the Potts Point apartment did not happen and the complainant had likely fallen asleep in a suite at NSW Parliament after drinking at a parliamentary event. Mr Campbell told the court the alleged back massage at Mr Ward's South Coast home was not indecent, saying offering comfort in that way is not unusual or sexual. He noted the complainant was lying face down and said it was not unusual for Mr Ward's groin to be near him while straddling. He then questioned what was indecent or sexual about the contact given the circumstances. After nine weeks and 35 sitting days, Judge Kara Shead completed her directions, and the jury has started its deliberations in Gareth Ward's sexual assault trial. Thirteen jurors were empanelled at the start. One was excluded by ballot, a safeguard for the trial's expected length. Now, 12 will decide.
The Guardian
21-07-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
The Guardian view on votes at 16: democracy belongs to the young too
Elections are imperfect reflections of public sentiment. But they are the least worst means to distribute political power. Each vote does count, however unsatisfactorily, under Westminster's electoral system – except when people are denied one. For too long, those missing out have included 16- and 17-year‑olds. These teenagers are old enough to work, pay tax, join the army and make medical decisions. Yet they are judged too young to help decide who governs them. The government proposes to resolve that anomaly. The decision to lower the voting age by the 2029 general election marks the largest extension of the franchise in more than 50 years. It is a long-overdue reform that brings England and Northern Ireland into line with Scotland and Wales. In democracies, those affected deserve a say. Opponents claim teenagers are too immature to vote. Political insight isn't bestowed by a birthday. Foolishness and wisdom are spread across age groups. Younger people vote less reliably – but many adults also don't bother. Apathy is no bar to suffrage. Britain's youth are already political – on social media and in the streets. What they've lacked is formal power. Little wonder that many feel alienated. Policies have too often favoured older voters – with higher turnout rates – while the concerns of younger generations, from climate breakdown to housing insecurity, go unheeded. A system skewed so sharply by age erodes its legitimacy. Sixteen-year‑olds in Scotland made history by voting in the 2014 independence referendum. They now cast ballots under proportional representation in Scottish and Welsh elections. Their participation is serious, their presence uncontroversial. Yet some teenagers who voted in 2014 couldn't vote again in the 2015 general election or in the 2016 Brexit referendum. A growing list of countries – including Austria, Brazil and Argentina – allow 16-year‑olds to vote in national elections. There is some evidence that voting becomes a habit when it starts in school. Such a reform belongs in a broader rethink of how our democracy works. Improving political education in schools is a must in the UK's constituent parts. Lowering the voting age from 18 without addressing the digital information ecosystem would be an incomplete measure. If we entrust 16- and 17-year-olds with a vote, we must also ensure that they're not the most vulnerable to manipulation, misinformation or disengagement. Ministers have so far fallen short of this challenge. The pollster Sir John Curtice thinks new voters will add only about 3% to the electorate. Half of teenagers surveyed say they might not vote. But that doesn't invalidate the principle. Expanding the franchise isn't about party advantage – whatever some in Labour think – but about fairness. The leftwing party led by Jeremy Corbyn and Zarah Sultana, the Greens and Reform UK could all benefit. Political outcomes may surprise. Young people deserve a say in the future that will shape their opportunities. To turn that right into engagement, parties need policies that speak to their concerns. Lowering the voting age will not by itself revive trust in democracy. If young people are not made to feel genuinely included in political life, it may have limited impact. But at a time of record‑low turnout, it is a signal that politics still belongs to the people. Including the young is not a gamble, it's a commitment to the future.
Yahoo
21-07-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
With gavel in hand, Trump chisels away at the power of a compliant Congress
WASHINGTON (AP) — 'Mr. President, this is the gavel used to enact the 'big, beautiful bill,'' House Speaker Mike Johnson said at a White House signing ceremony on the Fourth of July. 'I want you to have it,' he said. Handing over the gavel delighted President Donald Trump who, seated behind a desk outdoors, immediately tested it out with a few quick thumps. The moment left a memorable mark on a historic day. The gesture reflected a traditional nod of honor, from one leader to another, a milestone of the Republican Party's priority legislation becoming law. But the imagery also underscored a symbolic transfer of political power, from Capitol Hill to the White House as a compliant Congress is ceding more and more of its prerogative to the presidency. Congress gives Donald Trump what he wants Since Trump's return to the White House in January, and particularly in the past few weeks, Republicans in control of the House and Senate have shown an unusual willingness to give the president of their party what he wants, regardless of the potential risk to themselves, their constituents and Congress itself. Republicans raced to put the big package of tax breaks and spending cuts on Trump's desk by his Independence Day deadline. Senators had quickly confirmed almost all of Trump's outsider Cabinet nominees despite grave reservations over Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as health secretary, Pete Hegseth as the Pentagon chief and others. House Republicans pursued Trump's interest in investigating his perceived foes, including investigating Democratic President Joe Biden'suse of the autopen. But at the same time, Congress hit the brakes on one of its own priorities, legislation imposing steep sanctions on Russia over its war on Ukraine, after Trump announced he was allowing President Vladimir Putin an additional 50 days to negotiate a peace deal, dashing hopes for a swifter end to the conflict. This past week, Congress was tested anew, delivering on Trump's request to rescind some $9 billion that lawmakers had approved but that the administration wanted to eliminate, including money for public broadcasting and overseas aid. It was a rare presidential request, a challenge to the legislative branch's power of the purse, that has not been used in decades. The pressure on Republicans is taking its toll 'We're lawmakers. We should be legislating,' said a defiant Sen. Lisa Murkowksi, R-Alaska, as she refused to support the White House's demand to rescind money for National Public Radio and others. 'What we're getting now is a direction from the White House and being told, 'This is the priority. We want you to execute on it. We'll be back with you with another round,'' she said. 'I don't accept that.' Congress, the branch of government the Founding Fathers placed first in the Constitution, is at a familiar crossroads. During the first Trump administration, Republicans frightened by Trump's angry tweets of disapproval would keep their criticisms private. Those who did speak up — Liz Cheney of Wyoming in the House and Mitt Romney of Utah in the Senate, among others — are gone from Capitol Hill. One former GOP senator, Jeff Flake of Arizona, who announced in 2017 during Trump's first term that he would not seek reelection the next year, is imploring Republicans to find a better way. "The fever still hasn't broken," he wrote recently in The New York Times. 'In today's Republican Party, voting your conscience is essentially disqualifying.' Seeking a 'normal' Congress But this time, the halls of Congress are filled with many Republicans who came of political age with Trump's 'Make America Great Again' movement and owe their ascent to the president himself. Many are emulating his brand and style as they shape their own. A new generation of GOP leaders, Johnson in the House and Senate Majority Leader John Thune, have pulled closer to Trump. They are utilizing the power of the presidency in ways large and small — to broker deals, encourage wayward lawmakers to fall in line, even to set schedules. Johnson, R-La., has openly pined for what he calls a 'normal Congress.' But short of that, the speaker relies on Trump to help stay on track. When Republicans hit an impasse on cryptocurrency legislation, a Trump priority, it was the president who met with holdouts in the Oval Office late Tuesday night as Johnson called in by phone. The result is a perceptible imbalance of power as the executive exerts greater authority while the legislative branch dims. The judicial branch has been left to do the heavy lift of checks and balances with the courts processing hundreds of lawsuits over the administration's actions. 'The genius of our Constitution is the separation of power,' said Democratic Rep. Nancy Pelosi of California, the former speaker, in an interview on SiriusXM's 'Mornings with Zerlina.' 'That the Republicans in Congress would be so ignoring of the institution that they represent, and that have just melted the power of the incredibly shrinking speakership' and Senate leadership positions, 'to do all of these things, to cater to the executive branch,' she said. Confronting Trump comes with costs Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., endured Trump's criticism over his opposition to the tax and spending cuts bill. The senator raised concerns about steep cuts to hospitals, but the president threatened to campaign against him. Tillis announced he would not seek reelection in 2026. Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, voted against that bill and the rescissions package despite Trump's threat to campaign against any dissenters. One Republican, Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky, appears to be pressing on, unphased. He recently proposed legislation to force the administration to release the Jeffrey Epstein files, something the president had been reluctant to do. 'Nowhere in the Constitution does it say that if the president wants something, you must do it,' said Sen. Brian Schatz, D-Hawaii, in a Senate speech. 'We don't have to do this. We don't have to operate under the assumption that this man is uniquely so powerful.'
Arab News
20-07-2025
- Business
- Arab News
With gavel in hand, Trump chisels away at the power of a compliant Congress
WASHINGTON: 'Mr. President, this is the gavel used to enact the 'big, beautiful bill,'' House Speaker Mike Johnson said at a White House signing ceremony on the Fourth of July. 'I want you to have it,' he said. Handing over the gavel delighted President Donald Trump who, seated behind a desk outdoors, immediately tested it out with a few quick thumps. The moment left a memorable mark on a historic day. The gesture reflected a traditional nod of honor, from one leader to another, a milestone of the Republican Party's priority legislation becoming law. But the imagery also underscored a symbolic transfer of political power, from Capitol Hill to the White House as a compliant Congress is ceding more and more of its prerogative to the presidency. Congress gives Trump what he wants Since Trump's return to the White House in January, and particularly in the past few weeks, Republicans in control of the House and Senate have shown an unusual willingness to give the president of their party what he wants, regardless of the potential risk to themselves, their constituents and Congress itself. Republicans raced to put the big package of tax breaks and spending cuts on Trump's desk by his Independence Day deadline. Senators had quickly confirmed almost all of Trump's outsider Cabinet nominees despite grave reservations over Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as health secretary, Pete Hegseth as the Pentagon chief and others. House Republicans pursued Trump's interest in investigating his perceived foes, including investigating Democratic President Joe Biden'suse of the autopen. But at the same time, Congress hit the brakes on one of its own priorities, legislation imposing steep sanctions on Russia over its war on Ukraine, after Trump announced he was allowing President Vladimir Putin an additional 50 days to negotiate a peace deal, dashing hopes for a swifter end to the conflict. This past week, Congress was tested anew, delivering on Trump's request to rescind some $9 billion that lawmakers had approved but that the administration wanted to eliminate, including money for public broadcasting and overseas aid. It was a rare presidential request, a challenge to the legislative branch's power of the purse, that has not been used in decades. The pressure on Republicans is taking its toll 'We're lawmakers. We should be legislating,' said a defiant Sen. Lisa Murkowksi, R-Alaska, as she refused to support the White House's demand to rescind money for National Public Radio and others. 'What we're getting now is a direction from the White House and being told, 'This is the priority. We want you to execute on it. We'll be back with you with another round,'' she said. 'I don't accept that.' Congress, the branch of government the Founding Fathers placed first in the Constitution, is at a familiar crossroads. During the first Trump administration, Republicans frightened by Trump's angry tweets of disapproval would keep their criticisms private. Those who did speak up — Liz Cheney of Wyoming in the House and Mitt Romney of Utah in the Senate, among others — are gone from Capitol Hill. One former GOP senator, Jeff Flake of Arizona, who announced in 2017 during Trump's first term that he would not seek reelection the next year, is imploring Republicans to find a better way. 'The fever still hasn't broken,' he wrote recently in The New York Times. 'In today's Republican Party, voting your conscience is essentially disqualifying.' Seeking a 'normal' Congress But this time, the halls of Congress are filled with many Republicans who came of political age with Trump's 'Make America Great Again' movement and owe their ascent to the president himself. Many are emulating his brand and style as they shape their own. A new generation of GOP leaders, Johnson in the House and Senate Majority Leader John Thune, have pulled closer to Trump. They are utilizing the power of the presidency in ways large and small — to broker deals, encourage wayward lawmakers to fall in line, even to set schedules. Johnson, R-Louisiana, has openly pined for what he calls a 'normal Congress.' But short of that, the speaker relies on Trump to help stay on track. When Republicans hit an impasse on cryptocurrency legislation, a Trump priority, it was the president who met with holdouts in the Oval Office late Tuesday night as Johnson called in by phone. The result is a perceptible imbalance of power as the executive exerts greater authority while the legislative branch dims. The judicial branch has been left to do the heavy lift of checks and balances with the courts processing hundreds of lawsuits over the administration's actions. 'The genius of our Constitution is the separation of power,' said Democratic Rep. Nancy Pelosi of California, the former speaker, in an interview on SiriusXM's 'Mornings with Zerlina.' 'That the Republicans in Congress would be so ignoring of the institution that they represent, and that have just melted the power of the incredibly shrinking speakership' and Senate leadership positions, 'to do all of these things, to cater to the executive branch,' she said. Confronting Trump comes with costs Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., endured Trump's criticism over his opposition to the tax and spending cuts bill. The senator raised concerns about steep cuts to hospitals, but the president threatened to campaign against him. Tillis announced he would not seek reelection in 2026. Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, voted against that bill and the rescissions package despite Trump's threat to campaign against any dissenters. One Republican, Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky, appears to be pressing on, unphased. He recently proposed legislation to force the administration to release the Jeffrey Epstein files, something the president had been reluctant to do. 'Nowhere in the Constitution does it say that if the president wants something, you must do it,' said Sen. Brian Schatz, D-Hawaii, in a Senate speech. 'We don't have to do this. We don't have to operate under the assumption that this man is uniquely so powerful.'
