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Symbols take centre stage in debates about Canadian nationalism
Symbols take centre stage in debates about Canadian nationalism

Canada News.Net

time03-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Canada News.Net

Symbols take centre stage in debates about Canadian nationalism

The recent resurgence of Canadian nationalism is a response to explicit threats made by United States President Donald Trump, who has repeatedly expressed his desire to make Canada the 51st American state. Canadian flag sales have skyrocketed, informal and formal boycotts of American goods are continuing and Canadians are being urged to stay home and spend their vacation dollars domestically. Even in Quebec, pro-Canadian sentiments are evident. Canadian nationalism is back. Yet only a decade ago, the newly elected Justin Trudeau labelled Canada the first "post-national nation" in an interview with The New York Times. In essence, the prime minister suggested, Canada was moving beyond nationalism to some new phase of social identity. Nationalism, like a step in the launch of a spacecraft, would be jettisoned now that it was a vestigial and outdated feature of Canadian society. As we argue in a recently presented paper to be published soon, Canadians are nowhere near either a homogeneous, popularly held identity, nor are they "beyond nationalism" as if it were an outdated hairstyle. Instead, Canadian steps toward a united, widely held nationalism continue to be stymied by both substantial constitutional issues (Quebec, western alienation, Indigenous aspirations to self-determination) but also by battles over banal symbols of national identity. Canadians are, in the words of journalist Ian Brown, "a unity of contradictions." In his influential book, Banal Nationalism, British social science scholar Michael Billig highlighted the role of symbols like stamps, currency and flags to identify barely noticed transmitters of national consciousness. Writing in 1995, at a time of ethnic nationalist resurgence in the former Yugoslavia, Billig contrasted the understated, reserved nationalism of citizens of established states like Canada with the dangerous, passionate expressions of nationalism in the Balkans. This genteel nationalism is barely noticed much of the time, but proposals to alter national symbols arouse debate - like during the great Canadian flag debate of the mid-1960s - and expose deep emotional attachments. Canadians, too, are nationalists. But they're also citizens of a liberal democracy where nationalistic narratives compete to define and unite the nation. Societies evolve and generational change can lead to new symbols reflecting changing values. The historical episodes of discontent pertaining to national symbols show how Canadian society has evolved since its drift away from Britain after the Second World War. During the flag debate, Liberal Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson said Canada needed a new flag that would present a united nation rather than a confusing amalgamation of different people. Conservative Leader John Diefenbaker, on the other hand, argued Canada should be "all Canadian and all British" during the debate, adding that any Canadian who disagreed should "be denounced." The leaders could not agree, with Diefenbaker opting for something like the status quo and Pearson for a complete redesign that would represent all Canadians, regardless of national heritage. In a 1964 La Presse article on the debate, columnist Guy Cormier crudely voiced Quebec's concerns that Pearson's handling of the flag debate was an attempt to "artificially inseminate" his agenda on the province. The Philadelphia Evening Bulletin reported on the debate, declaring that "tinkering with a nation's flag is sort of like playing volleyball with a hornets nest." As Canada became increasingly more multicultural in the 1980s, another symbol became the centre of controversy. A Sikh entering the RCMP wanted to be able to wear a turban instead of the traditional Stetson. Despite government and RCMP support, public opinion was mixed. Racist lapel pins were sold with the message "Keep the RCMP Canadian" as some argued the old uniform should remain and that new recruits should adapt to it. While few Canadians knew much about the design and history of the RCMP uniform, almost all Canadians consider it an iconic representation of Canada. Changes to it represent a threat to some, inclusion for others. Changes to O Canada, the national anthem, have been proposed over the past decades. Recently, a more inclusive version was drafted, changing "in all thy sons command" to "all of us command." Conservative MPs and some television pundits argued the change wasn't necessary and the anthem doesn't belong to a political party. Opponents argued that most people aren't offended by the anthem's lyrics, the anthem wasn't broken and was not in need of fixing. Ultimately, the change was made, with great praise from some and vexation from others. Removing images of the late Terry Fox in 2023 from the Canadian passport, a document few think about until checking its expiry date before a vacation, caused significant uproar. Other images from Canadian history were also removed, but Fox's removal was most notable since he was someone most Canadians consider the embodiment of a Canadian hero. The response to these changes ranged from mild - with those arguing that Canada needs more Terry Fox, not less, - to furious, as some accused Trudeau of being out of touch with Canadians and a "fault finder-in-chief." Far from trivial, these arguments over national symbols reveal how deeply some Canadians are attached to them. The nature of Canadian identity and nationalism will continue to be dated and contested. In that respect, Canadians are no different than the citizens of any other country.

Symbols take centre stage in debates about Canadian nationalism
Symbols take centre stage in debates about Canadian nationalism

Canada Standard

time01-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Canada Standard

Symbols take centre stage in debates about Canadian nationalism

The recent resurgence of Canadian nationalism is a response to explicit threats made by United States President Donald Trump, who has repeatedly expressed his desire to make Canada the 51st American state. Canadian flag sales have skyrocketed, informal and formal boycotts of American goods are continuing and Canadians are being urged to stay home and spend their vacation dollars domestically. Even in Quebec, pro-Canadian sentiments are evident. Canadian nationalism is back. Read more: Is Trump's assault on Canada bringing Quebec and the rest of the country closer together? Yet only a decade ago, the newly elected Justin Trudeau labelled Canada the first "post-national nation" in an interview with The New York Times . In essence, the prime minister suggested, Canada was moving beyond nationalism to some new phase of social identity. Nationalism, like a step in the launch of a spacecraft, would be jettisoned now that it was a vestigial and outdated feature of Canadian society. As we argue in a recently presented paper to be published soon, Canadians are nowhere near either a homogeneous, popularly held identity, nor are they "beyond nationalism" as if it were an outdated hairstyle. Instead, Canadian steps toward a united, widely held nationalism continue to be stymied by both substantial constitutional issues (Quebec, western alienation, Indigenous aspirations to self-determination) but also by battles over banal symbols of national identity. Canadians are, in the words of journalist Ian Brown, "a unity of contradictions." In his influential book, Banal Nationalism , British social science scholar Michael Billig highlighted the role of symbols like stamps, currency and flags to identify barely noticed transmitters of national consciousness. Writing in 1995, at a time of ethnic nationalist resurgence in the former Yugoslavia, Billig contrasted the understated, reserved nationalism of citizens of established states like Canada with the dangerous, passionate expressions of nationalism in the Balkans. This genteel nationalism is barely noticed much of the time, but proposals to alter national symbols arouse debate - like during the great Canadian flag debate of the mid-1960s - and expose deep emotional attachments. Canadians, too, are nationalists. But they're also citizens of a liberal democracy where nationalistic narratives compete to define and unite the nation. Societies evolve and generational change can lead to new symbols reflecting changing values. The historical episodes of discontent pertaining to national symbols show how Canadian society has evolved since its drift away from Britain after the Second World War. During the flag debate, Liberal Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson said Canada needed a new flag that would present a united nation rather than a confusing amalgamation of different people. Conservative Leader John Diefenbaker, on the other hand, argued Canada should be "all Canadian and all British" during the debate, adding that any Canadian who disagreed should "be denounced." The leaders could not agree, with Diefenbaker opting for something like the status quo and Pearson for a complete redesign that would represent all Canadians, regardless of national heritage. In a 1964 La Presse article on the debate, columnist Guy Cormier crudely voiced Quebec's concerns that Pearson's handling of the flag debate was an attempt to "artificially inseminate" his agenda on the province. The Philadelphia Evening Bulletin reported on the debate, declaring that "tinkering with a nation's flag is sort of like playing volleyball with a hornets nest." As Canada became increasingly more multicultural in the 1980s, another symbol became the centre of controversy. A Sikh entering the RCMP wanted to be able to wear a turban instead of the traditional Stetson. Despite government and RCMP support, public opinion was mixed. Racist lapel pins were sold with the message "Keep the RCMP Canadian" as some argued the old uniform should remain and that new recruits should adapt to it. While few Canadians knew much about the design and history of the RCMP uniform, almost all Canadians consider it an iconic representation of Canada. Changes to it represent a threat to some, inclusion for others. Changes to O Canada , the national anthem, have been proposed over the past decades. Recently, a more inclusive version was drafted, changing "in all thy sons command" to "all of us command." Conservative MPs and some television pundits argued the change wasn't necessary and the anthem doesn't belong to a political party. Opponents argued that most people aren't offended by the anthem's lyrics, the anthem wasn't broken and was not in need of fixing. Ultimately, the change was made, with great praise from some and vexation from others. Removing images of the late Terry Fox in 2023 from the Canadian passport, a document few think about until checking its expiry date before a vacation, caused significant uproar. Other images from Canadian history were also removed, but Fox's removal was most notable since he was someone most Canadians consider the embodiment of a Canadian hero. The response to these changes ranged from mild - with those arguing that Canada needs more Terry Fox, not less, - to furious, as some accused Trudeau of being out of touch with Canadians and a "fault finder-in-chief." Far from trivial, these arguments over national symbols reveal how deeply some Canadians are attached to them. The nature of Canadian identity and nationalism will continue to be dated and contested. In that respect, Canadians are no different than the citizens of any other country.

Canada Day: Symbols take centre stage in debates about Canadian nationalism
Canada Day: Symbols take centre stage in debates about Canadian nationalism

Canada News.Net

time30-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Canada News.Net

Canada Day: Symbols take centre stage in debates about Canadian nationalism

The recent resurgence of Canadian nationalism is a response to explicit threats made by United States President Donald Trump, who has repeatedly expressed his desire to make Canada the 51st American state. Canadian flag sales have skyrocketed, informal and formal boycotts of American goods are continuing and Canadians are being urged to stay home and spend their vacation dollars domestically. Even in Quebec, pro-Canadian sentiments are evident. Canadian nationalism is back. Yet only a decade ago, the newly elected Justin Trudeau labelled Canada the first "post-national nation" in an interview with The New York Times. In essence, the prime minister suggested, Canada was moving beyond nationalism to some new phase of social identity. Nationalism, like a step in the launch of a spacecraft, would be jettisoned now that it was a vestigial and outdated feature of Canadian society. As we argue in a recently presented paper to be published soon, Canadians are nowhere near either a homogeneous, popularly held identity, nor are they "beyond nationalism" as if it were an outdated hairstyle. Instead, Canadian steps toward a united, widely held nationalism continue to be stymied by both substantial constitutional issues (Quebec, western alienation, Indigenous aspirations to self-determination) but also by battles over banal symbols of national identity. Canadians are, in the words of journalist Ian Brown, "a unity of contradictions." In his influential book, Banal Nationalism, British social science scholar Michael Billig highlighted the role of symbols like stamps, currency and flags to identify barely noticed transmitters of national consciousness. Writing in 1995, at a time of ethnic nationalist resurgence in the former Yugoslavia, Billig contrasted the understated, reserved nationalism of citizens of established states like Canada with the dangerous, passionate expressions of nationalism in the Balkans. This genteel nationalism is barely noticed much of the time, but proposals to alter national symbols arouse debate - like during the great Canadian flag debate of the mid-1960s - and expose deep emotional attachments. Canadians, too, are nationalists. But they're also citizens of a liberal democracy where nationalistic narratives compete to define and unite the nation. Societies evolve and generational change can lead to new symbols reflecting changing values. The historical episodes of discontent pertaining to national symbols show how Canadian society has evolved since its drift away from Britain after the Second World War. During the flag debate, Liberal Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson said Canada needed a new flag that would present a united nation rather than a confusing amalgamation of different people. Conservative Leader John Diefenbaker, on the other hand, argued Canada should be "all Canadian and all British" during the debate, adding that any Canadian who disagreed should "be denounced." The leaders could not agree, with Diefenbaker opting for something like the status quo and Pearson for a complete redesign that would represent all Canadians, regardless of national heritage. In a 1964 La Presse article on the debate, columnist Guy Cormier crudely voiced Quebec's concerns that Pearson's handling of the flag debate was an attempt to "artificially inseminate" his agenda on the province. The Philadelphia Evening Bulletin reported on the debate, declaring that "tinkering with a nation's flag is sort of like playing volleyball with a hornets nest." As Canada became increasingly more multicultural in the 1980s, another symbol became the centre of controversy. A Sikh entering the RCMP wanted to be able to wear a turban instead of the traditional Stetson. Despite government and RCMP support, public opinion was mixed. Racist lapel pins were sold with the message "Keep the RCMP Canadian" as some argued the old uniform should remain and that new recruits should adapt to it. While few Canadians knew much about the design and history of the RCMP uniform, almost all Canadians consider it an iconic representation of Canada. Changes to it represent a threat to some, inclusion for others. Changes to O Canada, the national anthem, have been proposed over the past decades. Recently, a more inclusive version was drafted, changing "in all thy sons command" to "all of us command." Conservative MPs and some television pundits argued the change wasn't necessary and the anthem doesn't belong to a political party. Opponents argued that most people aren't offended by the anthem's lyrics, the anthem wasn't broken and was not in need of fixing. Ultimately, the change was made, with great praise from some and vexation from others. Removing images of the late Terry Fox in 2023 from the Canadian passport, a document few think about until checking its expiry date before a vacation, caused significant uproar. Other images from Canadian history were also removed, but Fox's removal was most notable since he was someone most Canadians consider the embodiment of a Canadian hero. The response to these changes ranged from mild - with those arguing that Canada needs more Terry Fox, not less, - to furious, as some accused Trudeau of being out of touch with Canadians and a "fault finder-in-chief." Far from trivial, these arguments over national symbols reveal how deeply some Canadians are attached to them. The nature of Canadian identity and nationalism will continue to be dated and contested. In that respect, Canadians are no different than the citizens of any other country.

Program provides a boost to Canada's agri-food sector
Program provides a boost to Canada's agri-food sector

Hamilton Spectator

time29-05-2025

  • Business
  • Hamilton Spectator

Program provides a boost to Canada's agri-food sector

A new initiative looks to help promote and give recognition to all aspects of Canada's robust food system. Canada's Food System is a new nationwide initiative launched by the Canadian Centre for Food Integrity (CFFI) on May 15. The idea stemmed from CFFI research last fall that found fewer than half of Canadians held a positive view of the Canadian agri-food system. CFFI executive director Lisa Bishop-Spencer said those results represented a huge drop-off from the previous year. 'That suggested that there was an issue. Trust is fragile, and global uncertainty and misinformation only made that harder to maintain,' said Bishop-Spencer. The survey numbers led to a public awareness campaign that would try to change that sentiment. Then, this past January, there was a major shift in the feelings towards Canadian pride in response to U.S. president Donald Trump's tariff war and' 51st state' discussions taking over the news cycle. That prompted people to take a closer look at the home-grown Canadian systems that we have in place, said Bishop-Spencer. 'So, amid those challenges, we saw a strong pro-Canadian sentiment taking root. Canadians, we saw starting to rally behind the food system. They recognized its value and importance to national prosperity.' She added that was a pivotal moment to harness the newfound support, strengthen public trust and build a long-lasting momentum. That is when Canada's Food System was born to recognize everyone from 'before the gate to beyond the plate.' 'We created a program designed to elevate Canada's Food System to become or re-establish its place as a core Canadian value and reverse that indifference, enhance public trust and deepen people's understanding of the food system.' A part of the campaign involves boosting recognition of all facets of the system, including local producers, and strengthening the local economy. 'A strong domestic and export market ensures food safety and food security, supports local economies, and reinforces the resilience of the entire food chain,' said Bishop-Spencer. 'For the local producer, it's a chance for them to get the recognition they deserve. It's a chance for them to become recognized and appreciated for their work.' It's also an opportunity to show off the many different innovations that have given Canada the ability to feed 400 million people around the world, noted Bishop-Spencer. The goal of the first 100 days of this movement is to build public awareness and then, in subsequent years, to create a sustained movement that cements the food system as a core value. She added that they hope to showcase the importance of the food system to Canada. 'We (the Canadian agri-food sector) deliver huge amounts of money to Canada's GDP and are an economic powerhouse.[It's] also essential to national security and prosperity, employing one in nine people in Canada and contributing more than $122 billion to the Canadian economy.' This new campaign encompasses every cog that makes the food system turn, including consumers, because all Canadians play a part since 'we all eat,' said Bishop-Spencer. Canadians can get involved by singing the pledge on the Canadian Food System website and posting to social media, appreciating parts of the system. 'We're all a very important partner in Canada's Food System – we need to work together to celebrate and to protect it.' For more information, see .

'The boss has changed': Rookie Calgary Liberal MP says he's ready to fight for Alberta's place in Canada
'The boss has changed': Rookie Calgary Liberal MP says he's ready to fight for Alberta's place in Canada

Vancouver Sun

time12-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Vancouver Sun

'The boss has changed': Rookie Calgary Liberal MP says he's ready to fight for Alberta's place in Canada

OTTAWA — Rookie Liberal MP Corey Hogan says he's ready to speak up for the 'No' side, in the event of a referendum on Albertan independence next year. Hogan, who narrowly won the riding of Calgary Confederation in April's federal election, told the National Post that he won't sit on the sidelines in the coming debate over Alberta's future in Canada. 'Try to stop me from being a spokesperson for this country,' said Hogan. 'One of the main reasons I ran is I wanted to be both a strong Alberta voice and a strong pro-Canadian voice.' Start your day with a roundup of B.C.-focused news and opinion. By signing up you consent to receive the above newsletter from Postmedia Network Inc. A welcome email is on its way. If you don't see it, please check your junk folder. The next issue of Sunrise will soon be in your inbox. Please try again Interested in more newsletters? Browse here. Hogan didn't shy away from the coming national unity crisis as a candidate, adopting the cheeky slogan 'Confederation is worth fighting for' — a phrase designed to send a clear message to those fanning the flames of Alberta separatism. Hogan believes that the pro-Canada message helped him edge out Conservative opponent, ex-provincial cabinet minister Jeremy Nixon. 'One of the reasons I was elected… is because of this moment we're in,' said Hogan. 'The main thing I heard on the doors was Donald Trump, Canada's existence, all of that… residents said over and over that they wanted someone who would fight for this country, and that's what I'm going to give them.' He also said that Nixon's association with Premier Danielle Smith, whose cabinet he sat in from 2022 to 2023, may have cost him votes. 'Alberta separatism is an issue that divides Conservatives in a way that doesn't divide Liberals,' said Hogan. Hogan said it will be vital in the coming months to confront separatist arguments head on, after Smith dramatically lowered the bar for triggering a referendum on the province's independence. He wrote in a recent blog post that there is little reason to believe that Alberta would have a better go of building pipelines to tidewater as a sovereign state that can enter into international treaties, as Smith herself has claimed in the past . '(Treaties) guarantee rights of access but they do not guarantee the right to build infrastructure across another country's territory,' wrote Hogan. Yuan Yi Zhu, a Canadian-born professor of international law at the University of Leiden, says he agrees with Hogan, pointing to the plain language of the United Nations' law of the sea. 'The relevant section says that landlocked and transit countries may, by agreement, define pipelines as a means of transport to the sea… it doesn't say that they have to,' said Zhu. 'This is one of those rare issues in international law that's actually pretty straightforward.' Hogan fully accepts that the Liberals have a long way to go to build up credibility in Alberta, after failing to grow their seat count in the province. He adds that one silver lining is that Ottawa-Alberta relations have nowhere to go but up from their dismal state under former prime minister Justin Trudeau. 'Anybody who's ever worked at a job where the boss has changed, can see that sometimes what happened was largely driven by the former boss,' said Hogan. Hogan said that he's interested to see how Alberta and the other western provinces are represented in Prime Minister Mark Carney's first post-election cabinet, set to be announced Tuesday. National Post rmohamed@ Get more deep-dive National Post political coverage and analysis in your inbox with the Political Hack newsletter, where Ottawa bureau chief Stuart Thomson and political analyst Tasha Kheiriddin get at what's really going on behind the scenes on Parliament Hill every Wednesday and Friday, exclusively for subscribers. Sign up here . Our website is the place for the latest breaking news, exclusive scoops, longreads and provocative commentary. Please bookmark and sign up for our daily newsletter, Posted, here .

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