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New York Times
5 days ago
- Politics
- New York Times
In Russia, Corruption Cases Follow Battlefield Failures
Russian authorities are increasingly pursuing corruption cases against regional and military officials, legal maneuverings that are putting the elite on guard and in some cases, may be aimed at quelling public anger about battlefield failures. Government officials in three of the five Russian regions bordering Ukraine have been arrested and accused by prosecutors in recent months of embezzling funds that Moscow had earmarked for border fortifications, cases brought after successful Ukrainian cross-border attacks. Last year, Russia also began a rare, high-level purge of top military generals and defense ministry leaders through corruption cases. Around the same time, President Vladimir V. Putin transferred his longtime defense chief, Sergei K. Shoigu, to a more nebulous job running the Russian national security council. As a rule, Mr. Putin does not admit battlefield errors or publicly blame loyal aides for lapses. Criticism of the military in Russia is outlawed. So the anti-corruption cases have become a convenient option, allowing Moscow to appease the public without admitting a failure by the central apparatus. 'The government has declined to connect these investigations with something you might call treason or betrayal,' said David Szakonyi, a political scientist at George Washington University, who studies corruption in Russia. 'It has allowed the public to connect it in their own minds.' Moscow cannot accuse the officials of wartime failures, because that would force leaders 'to acknowledge that the campaign has not gone according to plan, which they are very unwilling to do, because that affects morale and recruitment,' Mr. Szakonyi said. Want all of The Times? Subscribe.
Yahoo
12-07-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Is William Ruto the most disliked president in Kenya's history?
Kenya's William Ruto rode into office on a wave of enthusiasm among ordinary people who hoped he would live up to his promises to improve their lives. Instead, he is facing unrelenting criticism – seen as unmatched in the country's history. Seemingly frustrated by the intensity of the backlash, he on Wednesday asked why such public outrage was never directed at his predecessors, including Daniel arap Moi, who ruled with an iron fist for over two decades marked by political repression and human rights abuses, and others who departed under clouds of controversy. On Wednesday Ruto posed: "All this chaos, why wasn't it directed at [former presidents] Moi, Mwai Kibaki, Uhuru Kenyatta…Why the contempt and arrogance?" Analysts describe the current wave of public anger toward President Ruto, which has seen 10 people killed over the past year, as "unprecedented", uniting Kenyans across ethnic, religious, and class divisions. Protests against his administration began barely a year after he came into power. Three years in, many aggrieved Kenyans now want him gone – amid unrelenting protests with rallying calls of "Ruto must go" and "Ruto Wantam" (Ruto for one term). When Ruto was vying for the presidency, he portrayed himself as a common man, who came from a childhood marked by poverty and resilience. He appealed to the ordinary folk as a person they could draw inspiration from - having risen from chicken seller to president. Contrast that to earlier this year, when a newspaper splashed a headline asking whether Ruto was "Kenya's most hated president", a sentiment that has often echoed across social media platforms and public discourse. It marks an extraordinary change in Kenyan politics, often shaped by ethnic allegiances and class divisions. Just as Ruto was seen as transcending those barriers to clinch the presidency, the same dynamics now appear to be working against him. This week the phrase "We are all Kikuyus," trended on social media as young people rejected attempts to reintroduce the ethnic divisions that have long plagued Kenyan politics. A counter narrative of "We are all Kenyans" emerged but failed to gain similar traction – with some seeing it as an attempt to dilute the expression of solidarity in the first message. The Kikuyu, Kenya's largest ethnic group from the Mt Kenya region, overwhelmingly backed Ruto in the 2022 elections, together with Rigathi Gachagua, who hails from the region, as his deputy. But Gachagua's hounding from office last year through a dramatic impeachment process, which he described as a betrayal, sparked discontent in the region. In the aftermath, some politicians allied to Ruto have accused Kikuyu elites of fuelling opposition against the president. Political analyst Mark Bichachi says the opposition to the president is not ethnically driven, but is happening across diverse communities in urban and rural areas. He terms the "public outcry against a president and a regime" both "unprecedented" and "historical", even surpassing the political upheavals of the 1980s and 1990s when Moi led a one-party state. The period was marked by brutal crackdowns and a bloody fight for multiparty democracy, but Mr Bichachi tells the BBC that this did not generate the kind of pressure now bearing down on Ruto, adding that the tensions then were linked to the Cold War and were felt across the continent. Mother mourns 'beautiful' 12-year-old shot while watching TV during Kenya protests Why the death of a blogger has put Kenya's police on trial 'Shoot in the leg' - Kenyan leader orders police to curb violent protests But academic Dr Njoki Wamai says the criticism levelled at the president is nothing unusual, but part of a political tradition during moments of crisis. "All presidents, when they've gone against the constitution, against the will of the Kenyan people, have always faced a lot of criticism," she tells the BBC. She points to past leaders such as the founding president Jomo Kenyatta and his successor Moi - who both faced an intense backlash and loss of public trust during critical moments - including after the assassination of key political leaders and the coup attempt against Moi in 1982. "What is different [this time] is that the scale of spread of information is higher," she says, noting the impact of Kenya's digitally savvy youth, whose widespread access to social media and digital tools has amplified public discourse. She also describes Ruto as always having been "very conservative," suggesting that his political outlook clashes with the more liberal values embraced by many Kenyans - particularly young people. This ideological mismatch, she argues, has contributed to growing tensions. The current resistance campaigns are largely youth-led, online-based, decentralised and seen as leaderless, mostly unfolding outside the established political class. Since last year, they have been driven by anger over the high cost of living, aggressive taxation, corruption and police brutality. But pointing to ethnic politics and incitement as fuelling the latest unrest, the president said on Wednesday: Let's stop ethnic division, hatred, pride and contempt. We are all Kenyans". He vowed to use "whatever means necessary" to maintain peace and stability. He called on the police to shoot in the legs protesters who were targeting businesses, rather than killing them. His remarks sparked more outrage and mockery. Since last year, the Kenyan government has responded to protests and dissent with brutal crackdowns, including mass arrests and alleged abductions by security operatives. It is a strategy that rights groups say has only deepened public outrage and alienated the citizens from the state, with the police accused of using excessive force to quell the protests. More than 100 people have been killed in successive waves of anti-government protests since June last year. The latest one on Monday claimed 38 lives, marking the deadliest day of unrest yet. Rather than serve as a catalyst for police reform or push efforts to pacify the demonstrators, the deaths have often served as a spark for subsequent protests, turning grief into rage. The government has blamed the violence on protesters, accusing them of attacking police stations and even trying to stage a coup. Political communication expert Hesbon Owilla calls the unrest "probably the most intense outrage against a regime" in Kenya's history. He says it has brought people from all walks of life to unite in defiance. He puts it down to how the president communicates to the people. He says Ruto's promises to uplift the fortunes of ordinary people were "real, extremely real" and shifted the campaign from ethnic mobilisation toward issue-based politics. "Then he became president. We are still waiting. What Kenyans are experiencing is worse," he tells the BBC, capturing the deep sense of disappointment among many Kenyans. He says that unlike past governments that made cautious promises, Ruto made, and continues to make, sweeping pledges leading to broken expectations. "The disillusionment is creating the rage," he says. Citing the example of the order to shoot protesters, he also says that the president often speaks when silence might serve him better - overexposing himself and inadvertently making serious national issues feel personal. As a result, when there is criticism, it tends to be directed squarely at him, rather than being attributed to a failure of governance systems. Even so, Ruto has repeatedly highlighted his administration's efforts to better the lives of all Kenyans, pointing to the government's flagship affordable housing project, a universal health scheme, digital jobs, and an overseas employment programme as key achievements. While inspecting one of the housing sites this week, he acknowledged the severity of youth unemployment but emphasised that the problem predates his presidency. He insisted that his government was the first to take deliberate steps to tackle the crisis, citing state initiatives such as the housing project that he says has created hundreds of thousands of jobs. The president appealed for patience, as the problem would take time to resolve. Yet patience, especially amid the high cost of living, unmet expectations, and growing frustration, is not something that most Kenyans feel they can afford. Some of those flagship programmes have come at a steep cost to Kenyans, who now have 1.5% housing levy and a 2.75% health insurance tax deducted from their monthly incomes. The pain of paying some of these higher taxes has dominated everyday conversations, especially with a perception that higher taxes have not resulted in better public services. To the government's credit, Mr Owilla says some of the initiatives, like the universal healthcare project, have had a great impact, and others may eventually deliver for many. But Mr Bichachi argues that the government has "lost touch with how people feel", and its tone has remained unchanged despite rising public resentment. He says the issue is unlikely to change based on how the government performs – describing it as a "love-hate relationship" between the people and the presidency. That is "how we find ourselves where we are", he concludes, referring to the intense resentment that is now faced by the president, who was once one of the "the most applauded and lauded leaders to come onto the Kenyan state". Are East African governments uniting to silence dissent? BBC identifies security forces who shot Kenya anti-tax protesters El Chapo & Deputy Jesus - why Kenya's president has so many nicknames New faces of protest - Kenya's Gen Z anti-tax revolutionaries 'We live in fear' - forced expulsions taint Kenya's safe haven image Go to for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica Africa Daily Focus on Africa
BBC News
12-07-2025
- Politics
- BBC News
Is William Ruto the most disliked Kenyan president in history?
Kenya's William Ruto rode into office on a wave of enthusiasm among ordinary people who hoped he would live up to his promises to improve their lives. Instead, he is facing unrelenting criticism – seen as unmatched in the country's frustrated by the intensity of the backlash, he on Wednesday asked why such public outrage was never directed at his predecessors, including Daniel arap Moi, who ruled with an iron fist for over two decades marked by political repression and human rights abuses, and others who departed under clouds of Wednesday Ruto posed: "All this chaos, why wasn't it directed at [former presidents] Moi, Mwai Kibaki, Uhuru Kenyatta…Why the contempt and arrogance?" Analysts describe the current wave of public anger toward President Ruto, which has seen 10 people killed over the past year, as "unprecedented", uniting Kenyans across ethnic, religious, and class divisions. Protests against his administration began barely a year after he came into power. Three years in, many aggrieved Kenyans now want him gone – amid unrelenting protests with rallying calls of "Ruto must go" and "Ruto Wantam" (Ruto for one term). When Ruto was vying for the presidency, he portrayed himself as a common man, who came from a childhood marked by poverty and resilience. He appealed to the ordinary folk as a person they could draw inspiration from - having risen from chicken seller to that to earlier this year, when a newspaper splashed a headline asking whether Ruto was "Kenya's most hated president", a sentiment that has often echoed across social media platforms and public marks an extraordinary change in Kenyan politics, often shaped by ethnic allegiances and class divisions. Just as Ruto was seen as transcending those barriers to clinch the presidency, the same dynamics now appear to be working against week the phrase "We are all Kikuyus," trended on social media as young people rejected attempts to reintroduce the ethnic divisions that have long plagued Kenyan politics. A counter narrative of "We are all Kenyans" emerged but failed to gain similar traction – with some seeing it as an attempt to dilute the expression of solidarity in the first Kikuyu, Kenya's largest ethnic group from the Mt Kenya region, overwhelmingly backed Ruto in the 2022 elections, together with Rigathi Gachagua, who hails from the region, as his Gachagua's hounding from office last year through a dramatic impeachment process, which he described as a betrayal, sparked discontent in the region. In the aftermath, some politicians allied to Ruto have accused Kikuyu elites of fuelling opposition against the analyst Mark Bichachi says the opposition to the president is not ethnically driven, but is happening across diverse communities in urban and rural terms the "public outcry against a president and a regime" both "unprecedented" and "historical", even surpassing the political upheavals of the 1980s and 1990s when Moi led a one-party period was marked by brutal crackdowns and a bloody fight for multiparty democracy, but Mr Bichachi tells the BBC that this did not generate the kind of pressure now bearing down on Ruto, adding that the tensions then were linked to the Cold War and were felt across the mourns 'beautiful' 12-year-old shot while watching TV during Kenya protestsWhy the death of a blogger has put Kenya's police on trial'Shoot in the leg' - Kenyan leader orders police to curb violent protestsBut academic Dr Njoki Wamai says the criticism levelled at the president is nothing unusual, but part of a political tradition during moments of crisis."All presidents, when they've gone against the constitution, against the will of the Kenyan people, have always faced a lot of criticism," she tells the points to past leaders such as the founding president Jomo Kenyatta and his successor Moi - who both faced an intense backlash and loss of public trust during critical moments - including after the assassination of key political leaders and the coup attempt against Moi in 1982. "What is different [this time] is that the scale of spread of information is higher," she says, noting the impact of Kenya's digitally savvy youth, whose widespread access to social media and digital tools has amplified public also describes Ruto as always having been "very conservative," suggesting that his political outlook clashes with the more liberal values embraced by many Kenyans - particularly young people. This ideological mismatch, she argues, has contributed to growing current resistance campaigns are largely youth-led, online-based, decentralised and seen as leaderless, mostly unfolding outside the established political class. Since last year, they have been driven by anger over the high cost of living, aggressive taxation, corruption and police pointing to ethnic politics and incitement as fuelling the latest unrest, the president said on Wednesday: Let's stop ethnic division, hatred, pride and contempt. We are all Kenyans".He vowed to use "whatever means necessary" to maintain peace and stability. He called on the police to shoot in the legs protesters who were targeting businesses, rather than killing them. His remarks sparked more outrage and last year, the Kenyan government has responded to protests and dissent with brutal crackdowns, including mass arrests and alleged abductions by security operatives. It is a strategy that rights groups say has only deepened public outrage and alienated the citizens from the state, with the police accused of using excessive force to quell the than 100 people have been killed in successive waves of anti-government protests since June last year. The latest one on Monday claimed 38 lives, marking the deadliest day of unrest than serve as a catalyst for police reform or push efforts to pacify the demonstrators, the deaths have often served as a spark for subsequent protests, turning grief into government has blamed the violence on protesters, accusing them of attacking police stations and even trying to stage a communication expert Hesbon Owilla calls the unrest "probably the most intense outrage against a regime" in Kenya's history. He says it has brought people from all walks of life to unite in puts it down to how the president communicates to the people. He says Ruto's promises to uplift the fortunes of ordinary people were "real, extremely real" and shifted the campaign from ethnic mobilisation toward issue-based politics."Then he became president. We are still waiting. What Kenyans are experiencing is worse," he tells the BBC, capturing the deep sense of disappointment among many says that unlike past governments that made cautious promises, Ruto made, and continues to make, sweeping pledges leading to broken expectations."The disillusionment is creating the rage," he says. Citing the example of the order to shoot protesters, he also says that the president often speaks when silence might serve him better - overexposing himself and inadvertently making serious national issues feel personal. As a result, when there is criticism, it tends to be directed squarely at him, rather than being attributed to a failure of governance so, Ruto has repeatedly highlighted his administration's efforts to better the lives of all Kenyans, pointing to the government's flagship affordable housing project, a universal health scheme, digital jobs, and an overseas employment programme as key inspecting one of the housing sites this week, he acknowledged the severity of youth unemployment but emphasised that the problem predates his insisted that his government was the first to take deliberate steps to tackle the crisis, citing state initiatives such as the housing project that he says has created hundreds of thousands of president appealed for patience, as the problem would take time to patience, especially amid the high cost of living, unmet expectations, and growing frustration, is not something that most Kenyans feel they can of those flagship programmes have come at a steep cost to Kenyans, who now have 1.5% housing levy and a 2.75% health insurance tax deducted from their monthly incomes. The pain of paying some of these higher taxes has dominated everyday conversations, especially with a perception that higher taxes have not resulted in better public the government's credit, Mr Owilla says some of the initiatives, like the universal healthcare project, have had a great impact, and others may eventually deliver for Mr Bichachi argues that the government has "lost touch with how people feel", and its tone has remained unchanged despite rising public says the issue is unlikely to change based on how the government performs – describing it as a "love-hate relationship" between the people and the is "how we find ourselves where we are", he concludes, referring to the intense resentment that is now faced by the president, who was once one of the "the most applauded and lauded leaders to come onto the Kenyan state". You may also be interested in: Are East African governments uniting to silence dissent?BBC identifies security forces who shot Kenya anti-tax protestersEl Chapo & Deputy Jesus - why Kenya's president has so many nicknamesNew faces of protest - Kenya's Gen Z anti-tax revolutionaries'We live in fear' - forced expulsions taint Kenya's safe haven image Go to for more news from the African us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica
South China Morning Post
05-07-2025
- Business
- South China Morning Post
Malaysia's new ‘luxury' taxes hit the middle class where it hurts
In the calm of his kitchen, Christy Yoong once raised a glass to retirement – good wine, imported cheese and the spoils of a life's work. But as Malaysia 's new tax regime lands with a thud, even these modest pleasures are slipping out of reach. When Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim unveiled his unexpected tax on imported luxuries in June, he promised the pain would be felt only by the affluent. The intent was clear: shore up government coffers by targeting the better-off. Yet the reality, for many Malaysians like Yoong, is the slow erosion of middle-class comforts as the increased tax burden adds to the rising cost of living. Enacted on Tuesday, the levies on imported luxuries have raised the price of everything from cheese and nuts to cod and king crab. A quick survey of supermarkets around Kuala Lumpur in the aftermath showed that the price of air-flown Norwegian salmon had surged by as much as 20 per cent to 90 ringgit (HK$167) a kilogram, while top grade blueberries from the US now cost up to 240 ringgit per kilogram. The new taxes also extend deep into services once seen as everyday essentials for Malaysia's urban middle class: insurance, financial planning and private education from preschool to university. The breadth of the reforms, announced with little warning, triggered a wave of public anger that forced Anwar into a rare retreat – rolling back taxes on apples and oranges , and beauty services, mere weeks after they were introduced. A Malaysian woman shops for fruit at a market in Kuala Lumpur. New taxes on apples and oranges were rolled back soon after their introduction. Photo: AFP For Yoong, as for millions of middle-class Malaysians, these concessions are cold comfort. 'Life is definitely going to be a pinch. It comes down to making choices,' he told This Week in Asia. 'I'm proud of being Malaysian, but I'm not proud of the government.'
The Independent
02-07-2025
- Business
- The Independent
How to check if you're eligible for £2,000 compensation for water service failures
Water companies will have to pay households up to £2,000 for service failures as part of efforts to reform the sector, the government has announced. Compensation payments will increase up to tenfold from Wednesday for problems such as low pressure, disruptions to supply, or sewer flooding. The Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra) said the move marked the first increase in compensation rates in 25 years in recognition of the 'urgent need' to bring payments in line with inflation, and properly compensate households for poor service. The announcement comes as the government attempts to grapple with the problems engulfing the water sector in the face of high public anger over the degraded and polluted state of rivers, lakes and coasts, rising bills, bosses' bonuses and shareholder payouts. What are the service failures that people can be compensated for? Severe issues such as flooding will see customer compensation double from £1,000 to up to £2,000, while households suffering consistent low water pressure will be automatically eligible to receive up to £250, up from the previous compensation rate of £25. Below is the full list of service failures that will have an increased compensation rate: Service failure Old rate New rate Uplift Appointments not made properly £20 £40 100 per cent Appointments not kept £20 £50 150 per cent Account queries not actioned on time £20 £40 100 per cent Requests to change payment arrangements not actioned on time £20 £40 100 per cent Complaints not actioned on time £20 £40 100 per cent Less than 48 hours' notice of planned supply interruption of more than 4 hours £20 £50 150 per cent Low pressure £25 (once per financial year) £50, up to five payments per financial year – equivalent to just over the average water bill. Automatic £250 per annum for customers with ongoing low pressure 100 perc ent and increased annual maximum by 10x Internal flooding from sewers Payment equal to annual sewerage charges (Minimum payment of £150, maximum of £1,000) Payment equal to annual sewerage charges, at minimum of £300 and maximum of £2,000 Min and max increased by 100 per cent External flooding from sewers Payment equal to 50 per cent of annual sewerage charges (Minimum payment of £75, maximum of £500) Payment equal to 50 per cent of annual sewerage charges, at minimum of £150 and maximum of £1,000 Min and max increased by 100 per cent Supply not restored on time £20 and £10 for each subsequent 24 hours £50, and £50 for each subsequent 12 hours 150 per cent for initial payment, 400 per cent for subsequent payment and halved subsequent payment period Who is eligible? Payments will automatically be credited to the accounts of eligible customers with immediate effect. The compensation will only apply to customers in England. Defra said it was working with water companies to expand the list of circumstances that would trigger compensation payments. Compensation for when customers are asked to boil their water due to a contaminated supply will come into force later this year, it said. Environment secretary Steve Reed said: 'Too many water companies are letting down their customers – with leaking pipes, poor water supply and low water pressure. 'The government is holding water companies to account by making them put money back into people's pockets when they fail their customers.' Why has the government announced the compensation now? The standards, outlined in the Guaranteed Standards Scheme, set out a baseline for customer service in the water sector and include providing timely restoration of the water supply following an interruption, responding to written complaints and managing the risk of sewer flooding. Action already announced to cut sewage spills and attract investment in the sector includes: strengthening regulation to ensure polluting water bosses who cover up their crimes now face two-year prison sentences; the banning of 'unfair' bonuses for bosses of six polluting water companies; and 81 criminal investigations into sewage pollution. Ofwat chief executive David Black said: 'We welcome these improvements to guaranteed standards and payments for customers. 'When customers suffer from problems like low pressure, disruptions to supply or sewer flooding, they can experience major stress and inconvenience, and payment amounts must recognise the disruption to their lives when standards are not met. 'These new changes are another way to make sure customers are protected when companies get it wrong.'
