Latest news with #Kigali
Zawya
21 hours ago
- Politics
- Zawya
Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar (SECAM) to hold its 20th Plenary Assembly in Kigali, Rwanda
The Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar (SECAM) ( will convene for its 20th Plenary Assembly from July 30 to August 4, 2025, in Kigali, Rwanda, under the theme: 'Christ, Source of Hope, Reconciliation and Peace.' The plenary will bring together over 250 participants, including Cardinals, Bishops, Priests, Consecrated Men and Women, and Lay Leaders from across Africa and its islands, as well as partners from other continents. The Kigali Assembly will assess the progress made since the 19th Assembly, held in 2022 in Accra, Ghana, and chart a visionary course for the Church in Africa. Key agenda items include: Presentation of SECAM's long-term vision document for 2025–2050, built around 12 foundational pillars such as evangelization, family leadership, youth engagement, care for creation, digital mission, and political responsibility. A pastoral reflection on accompanying Catholics in complex cultural realities, including polygamous unions. Discussions on governance, justice, peace, interfaith dialogue, climate change, and safeguarding. The Assembly will also unveil the Triennial Strategic Plan (2025–2028) and initiate the renewal of SECAM's leadership in line with its constitution. Rev. Fr. Rafael Simbine Junior Secretary General of SECAM Accra, Ghana Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar (SECAM). For more information, please get in touch with the Secretary General of SECAM at the following contact: secamsg@ Communications Coordinators on the following contacts: +233541717984 mutabazifide@ + 250783 462125
Zawya
6 days ago
- Business
- Zawya
Rwanda: Nick Barigye's ‘homecoming' at Crystal Ventures as CEO
Rwanda's state-owned investment firm Crystal Ventures Ltd (CVL) has appointed Nick Barigye as its new group chief executive officer. He replaces Jack Kayonga, who has been at the helm of Rwanda's biggest private company since 2020. In the appointment notice, CVL board described Barigye as a seasoned leader with vast experience across multiple sectors and a proven track record in operational excellence, innovation and sustainable growth. Barigye joins CVL from government-owned Kigali International Financial Centre (KIFC), where he served as CEO for over five years. During his tenure, he is credited with positioning Rwanda as a financial hub and achieving notable success in global visibility, investor confidence and institutional partnerships.'We're especially proud to welcome him back as an alumnus of CVL,' the company stated. 'With his global and local insights, we are confident that under his leadership, CVL will continue to thrive and advance its strategic goals.'Barigye has previously held various roles at CVL and its subsidiaries. Private sector growthCVL was established in 1995 and operates as an investment firm run by the Rwandan Patriotic Front, the ruling party of Rwanda. It was initially known as Tri-Star Investments before changing its name in a rebranding move. CVL's interests include engineering and construction, fast-moving consumer goods and security services. Kayonga, who took over as CEO in March 2020, is credited with steering the company through a period of pandemic-related uncertainty while consolidating its position as a key player in Rwanda's private sector growth. CVL has been at the centre of the Rwanda's recovery and economic development, investing in key strategic sectors such as infrastructure, energy, telecommunication, fast-moving consumer goods, construction, among others. The CVL portfolio includes leading firms such as the dairy and beverage company Inyange Industries, NPD Contraco, Isco, and East African Granite. By 2017, CVL had grown to become the second-largest employer in the country, with an estimated investment portfolio of $500 million. The company says the leadership transition is part of a broader strategy to sustain long-term growth and reinforce Rwanda's competitive edge in regional and global markets. CVL has extended its investment tentacles to countries such as the Central African Republic and Mozambique, where Rwandan military support has helped to quell terrorist insurgents threatening these governments. Following Rwanda's military intervention in Cabo Delgado province in 2021 to secure $20 billion Mozambique LNG project owned by TotalEnergies, CVL's civil engineering subsidiary NPD Contraco Ltd secured contracts related to the liquefied natural gas project. The firm is specifically involved in clearing and structural work for TotalEnergies' gas project on the Afungi Peninsula. Macefield Ventures, a CVL subsidiary that focusses on overseas mining and electrification, has also established mining investments in Mozambique. Macefield is also implementing an electrification project in Zimbabwe. Barigye's appointment comes at a time when CVL is expanding its portfolio in infrastructure, agriculture, real estate and technology investments across Rwanda and the region. Although data on its investments is limited, it is estimated that CVL's total investments now stand at $1.8 billion, and its portfolio is expected to continue expanding as it increases its investments in other African countries. © Copyright 2022 Nation Media Group. All Rights Reserved. Provided by SyndiGate Media Inc. (
Al Jazeera
6 days ago
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
UN experts cast blame on Rwanda and Uganda. What are they doing in DRC?
Kampala, Uganda – Rwanda is in 'command and control' of M23 rebels in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, Uganda has 'unilaterally doubled its military presence' in the DRC, and armed groups – including those aligned to the Congolese government – are committing rights violations against civilians, according to a group of United Nations experts. An as-yet unpublished report from UN experts on DRC that was leaked to the media and seen by Al Jazeera describes violations by all parties to the conflict and blames neighbouring governments for allegedly exploiting and escalating the current crisis. The report was submitted to the UN Security Council in May, the Reuters news agency reported. It is expected to be released soon, a UN expert who contributed to the report told Al Jazeera on condition of anonymity, without specifying a date. While analysts see these reports as an essential tool of accountability, Kigali and Kampala have called the experts biased. Neither government replied to Al Jazeera's request for comment about the contents of the report, but both have repeatedly denied the accusations levelled against them. Meanwhile, the new findings risk putting a damper on the cautious optimism garnered by the signing of a peace deal between Rwanda and the DRC in the US last month, and ongoing Qatar-mediated peace talks between Kinshasa and M23. Rwanda's 'instruction', control of resources For years, M23, which the UN says is backed by Rwanda – a charge Kigali denies – has been embroiled in conflict with the Congolese army and its allied militias known as Wazalendo. Early this year, M23 made rapid advances, seizing control of Goma and Bukavu, the capitals of North Kivu and South Kivu, respectively, which it still holds today. The latest UN experts report – the first since M23's advance – offers a stark assessment of the conflict, placing blame on Rwanda for facilitating the rapid expansion of the rebel forces. Rwanda is providing 'critical support' to M23, which takes 'instructions' from Rwanda's government and intelligence services, said the report. In previous reports, the UN experts found there were some 3,000-4,000 Rwandan troops fighting alongside M23 in the DRC. 'One week prior to the [M23] Goma attack, Rwandan officials confidentially informed the Group [of experts] that President Paul Kagame had decided to imminently take control of Goma and Bukavu,' the new report alleged. Rwanda has repeatedly denied backing M23, while Kigali has sharply criticised the UN experts. 'These reports were written long ago,' President Paul Kagame said at a news conference in Kigali on July 4, after the contents of the report started circulating in international media. 'They come here just to confirm a narrative they already had,' the Rwandan leader said about the UN panel of experts. Kagame likened the experts to an arsonist who torches a house but also acts as both judge and prosecutor. 'The very ones who burned the [house] are the ones in the seat to judge and prosecute.' The report by UN experts, however, only reasserted its criticism of Kigali. The Rwandan army's 'de facto direction and effective control' over M23's operations 'render Rwanda liable for the actions' of the group, the report said, arguing that Rwanda's conduct meets the threshold for international sanctions. Last month's US-brokered deal between the DRC and Rwanda does not include M23, but it stipulates that all parties should comply with the Qatar peace process. It also highlights that the Congolese government should facilitate the disengagement of the armed group, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), which was established by Hutus linked to the killings of Tutsis in the 1994 Rwanda genocide. Rwanda should then lift its 'defensive measures' inside the DRC, the agreement said. While Kigali has often argued that its actions in the DRC are aimed at addressing longstanding security threats posed by the FDLR, the UN experts assert that its actions went far beyond legitimate security concerns. The experts noted that 'the final objective of Kigali was to control the territory of the DRC and its natural resources.' Their report details how minerals, including coltan, were looted from mines in towns seized by M23, then smuggled into Rwanda. 'Once in Rwanda, the looted minerals were mixed with local production, effectively laundering them into the downstream supply chain under the guise of Rwandan origin,' the report said. Part of the minerals smuggled to Rwanda were purchased by Boss Mining Solutions Inc, represented by Eddy Habimana, who has previously been implicated in the illegal trafficking of minerals from the DRC, the report added. Uganda 'doubles' military footprint Beyond Rwanda, the report also outlines violations of international law by another neighbour, Uganda. Amid the Rwanda/M23–DRC fighting, there was a 'rapid military build-up' by the Uganda People's Defence Forces (UPDF) in North Kivu and Ituri provinces, the report said. Troops significantly increased this year 'effectively doubling Uganda's footprint in the country', it added. The Ugandan army, which has conducted joint operations with the Congolese military against the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), a rebel movement with origins in Uganda, since 2023, 'unilaterally' increased its troop presence in eastern DRC, the report added. 'The DRC government confirmed that the new UPDF deployment was executed without its prior approval, and that UPDF was undertaking unilateral initiatives outside the framework of joint operations with the [Congolese army],' the report read. The deployment, according to the panel of experts, raised questions about Kampala's motives, particularly given past allegations of UPDF support to M23. While Uganda claimed the troop movements were defensive and aimed at securing its economic interests, the report says their positioning created a de facto buffer zone that shielded M23 from northern counterattacks. In response, Uganda's ambassador to the UN, Adonia Ayebare, wrote on X that the report 'contains falsehoods' and attempts to undermine the joint military operation with the DRC. He said Uganda will make an official statement after publication of the report. General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Uganda's army commander also posted on X, saying: 'While the UN so called 'Group of Experts' writes biased reports against us, we (UPDF) continue to save the lives of human beings in our region.' The report by the UN experts had called out 'repeated incendiary public statements' by Kainerugaba in which they said he emphasised close cooperation between the UPDF and the Rwandan army. The report also accused Thomas Lubanga, a former ICC convict living in Kampala, of forming a politico-military movement to oppose the Congolese government, 'with at least moral and passive endorsement from the Ugandan authorities'. However, addressing journalists in Kampala on July 16, Lubanga said he is in forced exile because of persecution by Kinshasa, and if his movement had been receiving support from Uganda, it 'would find itself on Kinshasa's doorstep today'. Ugandan, Rwandan interests in DRC Kristof Titeca, a professor at the University of Antwerp who recently published a report on Uganda's operations in DRC, urges readers to view the UN report and the backlash it has provoked in the context of regional dynamics. Kigali and Kampala share overlapping interests in the DRC – chiefly concerning security, political influence, and economic access – but these interests also place them in a complex relationship of both cooperation and competition, he said. Titeca argues that the resurgence and rapid expansion of M23 was, in part, triggered by Kigali's fear that Kampala might encroach on its influence in eastern DRC after Uganda allowed its soldiers to enter DRC in pursuit of the ADF. As M23 gained ground towards the end of 2024, Uganda reacted with troop deployments, particularly aimed at preventing the rebels – and by extension, Rwanda – from entering areas it sees as its sphere of interest. Titeca says the military manoeuvres were as much a strategic message to Rwanda as they were about protecting Ugandan interests. Drawing from movements and postures observed since late 2024, Titeca suggests that Kigali and Kampala may have an implicit understanding of their respective zones of influence. 'Some people think there might be some agreement between Kampala and Kigali on their area of interest,' he said. In eastern DRC, 'they are friends and also enemies at the same time,' he added, referring to Uganda and Rwanda. Kinshasa's violations For the UN experts, Kinshasa bears some responsibility, too. On the Congolese side, the report paints a picture of a state under siege, struggling to maintain sovereignty over its eastern territories. The government continued to rely heavily on irregular Wazalendo groups, and on the FDLR, despite the latter being under UN sanctions, as proxies in its fight against M23 and the Rwandan army. While strategic, the report says, this alliance has worsened the security and human rights situation, contributing to reprisal attacks, child recruitment and sexual violence. As it called out M23's actions during the taking of Goma and Bukavu, the report also documented a pattern of grave international humanitarian law and rights violations – including looting, sexual violence, and killings – by retreating Congolese soldiers and Wazalendo fighters at the same time. 'These abuses occurred in a climate of impunity, in the general context of a weakening chain of command,' it said. Al Jazeera sought a response to these claims from the Congolese government, but received no reply. In dismissing the report, the Rwandan president accused the panel of perpetuating a biased narrative against Kigali and of ignoring Congolese government complicity with the FDLR, which he says continues to spread anti-Tutsi views that led to the 1994 genocide. 'All the reports, 75 percent of them, blame AFC/M23 and Rwanda,' Kagame said at the July 4 news conference. 'You will find they never write anything comprehensive about FDLR or how Congolese institutions spread hate and genocide ideology. How can experts not see that?' Speaking to Al Jazeera, Rwandan analyst Thierry Gatete echoed Kagame's criticisms, questioning the credibility of the UN panel and alleging that they rarely conduct field research. 'They sit in New York or Paris and rely on testimonies from Congolese officials or FDLR sympathisers,' he said. The report notes that Rwanda denied the group of experts access to Kigali. However, Gatete says Rwanda initially cooperated with the panel but later gave up because the reports were consistently biased and, in his view, inconsequential. 'Nobody takes what they write seriously,' he said. While Rwanda and Uganda view the UN reports as biased, others see them as essential tools for accountability. Stewart Muhindo, a researcher with Congolese civil society group LUCHA, said the panel provides critical evidence that challenges both state and non-state actors. 'The panel tells hard truths,' he noted, pointing out that the report also criticises the DRC government for its continued collaboration with the FDLR, despite promises to end the alliance. 'It's not just about blaming Rwanda.' Muhindo also agrees with UN experts that the DRC's reliance on Wazalendo fighters has exacerbated the humanitarian crisis. These irregular forces, though not sanctioned like the FDLR, have been implicated in atrocities, including attacks on civilians and the recruitment of child soldiers, he said. 'Despite ongoing peacemaking initiatives, efforts to stabilise the region continue to face significant challenges,' the UN experts said in the report. 'Civilians bore the brunt of the conflict, enduring widespread displacement, insecurity, and grave violations of international humanitarian and human rights law.'
Zawya
16-07-2025
- Politics
- Zawya
Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar (SECAM) Announces 20th Plenary Assembly in Rwanda
The Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar (SECAM) ( is pleased to announce its 20th Plenary Assembly, scheduled to take place from 30 July to 4 August 2025 in Kigali, Rwanda, under the theme: 'Christ, Source of Hope, Reconciliation and Peace.' This Assembly, coinciding with the Jubilee Year, offers a moment of deep ecclesial grace to evaluate the life and mission of the Church in Africa and to set forth a visionary roadmap for the next 25 years (2025–2050). A Continental Ecclesial Milestone The Plenary Assembly of SECAM is the most important gathering of the Catholic Church in Africa and its Islands. Held every three years, it brings together a significant number of Cardinals, Archbishops, Bishops, priests, religious men and women, and lay faithful from across the continent and beyond. This 20th edition is expected to host approximately 250 participants from all 54 African countries and its islands, along with invited dignitaries and Church partners from other continents, making it a truly continental and global ecclesial event. It will serve as a privileged moment of reflection, communion, and decision-making for the life and mission of the Church in Africa. The Assembly will be presided over by His Eminence Fridolin Cardinal Ambongo Besungu, Archbishop of Kinshasa and President of SECAM. Building on the mandate of the 19th Plenary Assembly in Accra (July 2022), the Kigali Assembly will evaluate progress in strengthening synodality, institutional autonomy, theological foundations, and regional collaboration across the Church in Africa. Advancing a Shared Vision Since 2022, SECAM has worked through its Standing Committee and Secretariat to promote greater communion and mission through: Advancing synodality and participation at all levels; Strengthening institutional and financial self-reliance; Enhancing theological reflection and pastoral care; Fostering intercontinental and ecumenical partnerships; Raising Africa's voice on global issues such as climate change, justice, and peace. Addressing Pastoral and Cultural Realities One major issue under review will be the pastoral accompaniment of Catholics in polygamous unions, a complex cultural reality in African societies and beyond. SECAM has engaged theologians across the continent to explore this topic theologically and pastorally. The Assembly will also feature key presentations, including: A theological reflection on the theme: 'Christ, Source of Hope, Reconciliation and Peace' A draft document entitled: 'The Vision of the Church–Family of God in Africa and its Islands: 2025–2050' A pastoral document on 'Accompaniment of Persons in Polygamous Situations' These will be complemented by plenary discussions, working groups, liturgical celebrations, departmental reports, and a concluding message to the Church and society. The Twelve Pillars of the Church's Future Earlier this year, in preparation for the Assembly, SECAM held a high-level seminar in Accra (April 2025) to develop a long-term vision for the African Church. Discussions centered around twelve key pillars: Evangelization (Catholic education and theological formation) A self-reliant Church; Family-based models of leadership; Missionary discipleship and synodality; Care for creation; Youth engagement and ecclesial renewal; Justice, peace, and integral human development; Ecumenism and interfaith dialogue; Digital evangelization; Health and well-being of God's people; Liturgical life in African contexts; Church and political engagement. This strategic vision document will be presented for discussion and possible adoption by the bishops at the Kigali Assembly. Engaging Africa's Socio-Political Challenges In keeping with its prophetic mission, SECAM will also assess current political and social dynamics across the regions of Africa, with a focus on: Governance and public leadership; Human rights and social justice; Poverty and debt; Climate and environmental stewardship; Dialogue, peacebuilding, and interreligious relations; Safeguarding and youth protection. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar (SECAM). For media inquiries or further information, please contact: Rev. Fr. Rafael Simbine Júnior Secretary General, SECAM Accra, Ghana About SECAM: Founded in 1969 during Pope St. Paul VI's historic visit to Africa, SECAM is the continental structure of the Catholic Church in Africa and Madagascar. Its mission is to foster communion, promote evangelization, and be the moral and spiritual voice of the Church across the continent. Its key departments include: Commission for Evangelization; Justice, Peace and Development Commission (JPDC); Department of Social Communication. In addition, SECAM operates a Liaison Office to the African Union based in Addis Ababa to ensure Church participation in continental policymaking and advocacy. SECAM is composed of eight regional episcopal bodies:
Yahoo
14-07-2025
- Health
- Yahoo
WHO endorses Gilead's Yeztugo for HIV prevention
The World Health Organization (WHO) is recommending the use of Gilead Sciences' newly approved injectable version of lenacapavir to fight HIV, as separate research forecasts a rise in cases in Africa amid foreign aid cuts. Announced at the 13th International AIDS Society Conference (IAS 2025) on HIV Science, in Kigali, Rwanda, the policy sees injectable lenacapavir – known under the brand name Yeztugo – added to the world's arsenal of tools endorsed by the WHO to curb HIV cases and end the epidemic. Lenacapavir was first approved in 2022 under the brand name Sunlenca for the treatment of HIV infection in adults with multi-drug resistance. An injectable version of lenacapavir given twice a year was approved by the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) last month, licensed as a pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) option for HIV prevention. The approval of Yeztugo was hailed as a historical breakthrough by HIV experts and charities. The Elton John AIDS Foundation commented that the drug 'will fundamentally bend the curve of new HIV infections'. The WHO says that the vaccine offers a highly effective, long-acting alternative to daily oral pills and other shorter-acting options. Data reported by Gilead from a Phase III trial showed that Yeztugo led to a 96% reduction in the risk of acquiring HIV. The more accessible dosing will also improve adherence and stigma, meaning more people are likely to take the drug. WHO Director-General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said: 'While an HIV vaccine remains elusive, lenacapavir is the next best thing: a long-acting antiretroviral shown in trials to prevent almost all HIV infections among those at risk. 'The launch of WHO's new guidelines, alongside the FDA's recent approval, marks a critical step forward in expanding access to this powerful tool. WHO is committed to working with countries and partners to ensure this innovation reaches communities as quickly and safely as possible.' GlobalData analysts stated that the approval of Yeztugo is a 'momentous step in improving PrEP options available for people vulnerable to contracting HIV'. However, a potential barrier to its global uptake could be cost, with the US list price for Yeztugo sitting at $28,218 per year for each patient. For comparison, GSK's Apretude – the only other injectable PrEP therapy available in the US – costs $22,000 per year, though this is given monthly. The amount of foreign aid that supports Yeztugo's rollout in Africa will therefore impact its availability. Despite scientific breakthroughs such as Yeztugo, the WHO's recommendation comes at a time of concern from public health experts about the impact of foreign aid cuts on HIV cases. Research suggests that cuts in funding made by US President Donald Trump are set to increase transmission rates in Africa. Clinical trial operations, diagnostic testing, and drug availability have already been impacted. The US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), which invested significant amounts of money into HIV prevention and treatment last year, has had its funding pulled by the Trump administration. A report by UNAIDS predicts that six million new HIV infections and four million AIDS-related deaths could occur between 2025 and 2029 if US-supported HIV treatment and prevention services collapse. The WHO itself has been searching for funding recently, after Trump said the US – historically the largest contributor to the organisation – would stop sending money. Member states of the organisation agreed earlier this year to pay 20% more in membership fees to stopgap the US funding shortfall, though WHO's overall budget for 2026-2027 will be lower than that for 2024-2025. "WHO endorses Gilead's Yeztugo for HIV prevention" was originally created and published by Pharmaceutical Technology, a GlobalData owned brand. The information on this site has been included in good faith for general informational purposes only. It is not intended to amount to advice on which you should rely, and we give no representation, warranty or guarantee, whether express or implied as to its accuracy or completeness. You must obtain professional or specialist advice before taking, or refraining from, any action on the basis of the content on our site.
