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Gulf Today
14-07-2025
- Business
- Gulf Today
Roger Hutson tried to keep Trump from a second term
Mark Z. Barabak, Tribune News Service Roger Hutson was never a huge fan of Donald Trump. In 2016, he supported Marco Rubio for president, helping raise hundreds of thousands of dollars for his Republican primary bid. In 2024, Hutson worked with "No Labels," a group of Democrats, Republicans and independents, to forge a bipartisan ticket with the express purpose of keeping either Trump or Joe Biden from winning the White House. Is this "really the best we can do in a country of 330 million people?" Hutson asked in a Denver Post opinion piece after the effort collapsed and another Trump-Biden matchup seemed inevitable. The failure, he suggested, was "a sad commentary on the status of leadership in America." But something unexpected happened over the last six months. Trump won Hutson over. He's not gone full-fledged MAGA. "No, no, no!" he insisted, scoffing at the notion of driving down the street, Trump flag waving. And he's not about to jump on JD Vance's political bandwagon, the likeliest vehicle for extending Trumpism in 2028 and beyond. "I'm acknowledging the accomplishments of the man in the office," Hutson said, with emphasis on the White House's current occupant, whom he supported over Kamala Harris. "I'm very impressed." It's not, as one might suppose, because the Denver oil and gas executive is enamored of Trump's exhortations to "Drill, baby, drill! ("No, baby, no!" is more like it, as Hutson believes oversupply would drive prices down.) Rather, Hutson credits Trump with achieving a good deal of what he promised during the 2024 campaign. Securing America's borders. Forcing US allies to cough up more for defense. Bringing Iran's nuclear program to heel. Taking on the country's unfair trade partners. He still doesn't much care for Trump's abrasive personality, the name-calling and denigrating of people. But Hutson's conversion shows that in a country deeply dug into oppositional camps, where political views appear cement-hardened into place, there are still those open to persuasion and even willing to change their minds. As confounding as that might seem. Hutson, 65, was a Republican his whole life, until leaving the party sometime in the 2010s. Or, more precisely, he felt "the party left me." A growing stridency around abortion and same-sex marriage was particularly off-putting to Hutson, who describes himself as a conservative on fiscal issues and a live-and-let-live type on social matters. "If you're lucky enough in life to find somebody you love," he said, "God bless." Hutson has long been active in civic and political affairs, serving on various boards and commissions under Democrats and Republicans alike. He recalled attending a meeting some years ago when GOP leaders gathered to discuss Colorado's increasingly blue coloration. "If winning means nominating an African American lesbian with antennae coming out of her head," then Republicans should do so, Hutson suggested. That didn't go over well. But it fit Hutson's approach to politics. He grew up an Army brat, moving around the world until his father completed his military career and settled in Golden, Colo., to take a job at a family lumber business. For all the impermanence — packing up and relocating just about every two years — Hutson said his upbringing was in many ways ideal, shaping his outlook to this day. The military, he said, reflects the best of America: unity, shared purpose, teamwork. "I think it teaches you a lot of tolerance," he said. "I think it teaches you a lot of acceptance." His GOP pedigree came from his father, the Army colonel. But it wasn't the scorched-earth version of today's Republican Party, in which Democrats and their philosophy are regarded as the root of all evil. Long ago, as leader of the Jefferson County Republican Men's Club, Hutson invited Colorado's governor, Democrat Roy Romer, to speak. "I was catching such hell from people. 'How dare you invite a Democrat to speak to this group?' " Hutson remembered being chastised. "And I said, 'Well, he's our governor, isn't he? I think it'd be an honour.' " After some initial puzzlement from the governor's office — are you sure? — Romer came and spoke, holding just the kind of cross-party conversation that Hutson wishes occurred more often among politicians in worlds-apart Washington. "I'd love for Trump to have a weekly meeting with (Democratic House leader) Hakeem Jeffries," Hutson said as he sat high above downtown Denver, his office decor — dark leather, rugged mountain landscape. "I would love for Trump to sit down weekly with (Chuck) Schumer" — the Democratic Senate leader — or bring Schumer and the GOP Senate leader, John Thune, together and say, ''How do we work our way through this?'' Could you imagine that, Hutson asked, before answering his own question. Nope. Never gonna happen. Nothing, and no individual, is perfect. But Hutson looks to the bottom line, and he's willing to accept trade-offs. Trump is loud and uncouth. But he's respected on the world stage, Hutson said, in a way the shuffling Biden was not. Trump may be toying with tariffs — up, down, all around. But at least he's addressing the country's one-sided trade relationships in a way, Hutson said, no president has before. He may be off base calling for a drastic ramp-up of domestic oil production. But in general, Hutson said, Trump's welcoming message to business is, "What can we do to be more helpful?"
Wall Street Journal
13-07-2025
- Automotive
- Wall Street Journal
From Joe Lieberman to Elon Musk
Elon Musk and the America Party he announced July 5 promise a well-funded challenge to the two-party status quo. My late father, Joe Lieberman, spent much of his last energy on preparing a third-party challenge in 2024. Known as the No Labels Insurance Policy, the effort would have run a bipartisan unity ticket for president and vice president if the two major parties produced candidates that most Americans could do without. The unity ticket didn't materialize, largely because both parties—mainly the Democrats—thoroughly demonized the effort. They called it a threat to democracy because they thought it could lead to Mr. Trump's election. No Labels employees were publicly identified and doxxed. Donors grew leery. Potential candidates were openly threatened with political oblivion if they became part of the bipartisan effort.
Mint
13-07-2025
- Business
- Mint
Sorry, Elon. There's Already a Third Party, and It's Called MAGA
(Bloomberg Opinion) -- Elon Musk just can't seem to make up his mind. Either he has 'done enough' when it comes to political spending and will focus on his businesses or he will spend more money to start a new political party to take on the 'uniparty.' 'By a factor of 2 to 1, you want a new political party and you shall have it!' Musk wrote on X after posting a poll on July 4. The world's richest man is right. For years, Americans have stated a desire for another party beyond red or blue. An October Gallup poll showed support for a third party at 58%. The numbers speak to an overall discontent with a lack of choice and distaste for rank partisanship. Third-party support ebbs and flows, but the desire for more choices is a constant. Nevertheless, while voters claim to want more choices, once they cast their ballots, third-party candidates haven't broken through in any meaningful way. In 2020, 1.79% voted for a third-party candidate for the White House. In 2024, 1.85% of voters backed a candidate not named Kamala Harris or Donald Trump. A group called No Labels tried and failed to identify a credible White House candidate in 2024. Typically, third party candidates have only acted as spoilers; see Ross Perot in 1992, Ralph Nader in 2000 and Jill Stein in 2016. Part of the problem is the very high structural hurdles the two existing parties have put in place to keep rival parties from forming. There is also this to consider: A third party kind of already exists. It's called the Republican Party under Trump, otherwise known as MAGA. Rather than run on a third party line, as he explored doing in 2000 with Perot's Reform Party, Trump rode populist discontent to power within an existing political party. He hijacked the GOP and remade it in his own image with ideas from both parties. He is pro-union, more isolationist than hawk, and against free trade. And he doesn't care about the debt and deficits — he agrees with Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren that the debt ceiling 'should be thrown out entirely.' As one headline from Reason Magazine put it, 'Donald Trump Sounds Like a Democrat From the 1980s.' Musk, with his billions and his influence, might be better off bankrolling candidates within the two-party system who offer a similar ideological blend. But for now, he seems set on doing what others before him have tried and failed to do. So let's take him at his word and assume that the world's richest man will show some focus and play in the 2026 midterms via a third party. 'One way to execute on this would be to laser-focus on just 2 or 3 Senate seats and 8 to 10 House districts,' he posted. 'Given the razor-thin legislative margins, that would be enough to serve as the deciding vote on contentious laws, ensuring that they serve the true will of the people.' His strategy actually isn't a bad one and aligns with what some other groups are doing. 'Elon, I don't know what he is going to do, but I believe some of these candidates he would want to give some cash to,' said Adam Brandon, senior advisor to The Independent Center, a group that will back a handful of independent candidates in the midterms. 'If we do this in 2026, this sets up a different conversation in 2028.' The group is hosting what they are billing as the largest independent event in Washington DC later this month, and predicts that 2026 will see an independent surge. But Musk may be a tainted messenger. He once enjoyed a level of support among a wide array of people with differing political views as a kind of real life Tony Stark, but his approval ratings have dipped in recent months, as has his brand. In December, according to a YouGov poll, Musk was even among independent voters, with 42% liking and disliking him. His unfavorable rating is now 59% among that group. His numbers are also down among Democrats and Republicans. It's true that some people tend to like Musk's products, even as they dislike him. Witness the Anti-Elon Tesla Club stickers affixed to his signature product. What is missing, however, is a real reason for Musk's latest version of the disruptive third party. Musk is a political contradiction, with no consistent ideas about policy. He says the America Party is about freedom, yet it seems to be about his own personal grievances with Trump. He claims to care about ballooning deficits, yet is happy to take billions from the federal government to foot the bill for his projects. He claims to care about the environment, yet also claims that global depopulation is a bigger threat than climate change. What would the America Party platform look like and what candidates would it attract? What story would they tell about the big problems the country faces and what would the solutions be? That kind of narrative coherence is necessary, as party affiliation has become an extension of identity. In choosing to back a party, voters are telling a story about who they are, what they believe and how they think the government should operate. It's akin to joining a club. Musk has billions. But he has few resonant answers to that standard question that can be paraphrased this way when it comes to political parties: What are you and why are you here? Absent that, his third-party ambitions are likely to run aground. More From Bloomberg Opinion: This column reflects the personal views of the author and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners. Nia-Malika Henderson is a politics and policy columnist for Bloomberg Opinion. A former senior political reporter for CNN and the Washington Post, she has covered politics and campaigns for almost two decades. More stories like this are available on
Los Angeles Times
11-07-2025
- Business
- Los Angeles Times
He tried to keep Trump from a second term. But six months in, ‘I'm very impressed.'
DENVER — Roger Hutson was never a huge fan of Donald Trump. In 2016, he supported Marco Rubio for president, helping raise hundreds of thousands of dollars for his Republican primary bid. In 2024, Hutson worked with 'No Labels,' a group of Democrats, Republicans and independents, to forge a bipartisan ticket with the express purpose of keeping either Trump or Joe Biden from winning the White House. Is this 'really the best we can do in a country of 330 million people?' Hutson asked in a Denver Post opinion piece after the effort collapsed and another Trump-Biden matchup seemed inevitable. The failure, he suggested, was 'a sad commentary on the status of leadership in America.' But something unexpected happened over the last six months. Trump won Hutson over. He's not gone full-fledged MAGA. 'No, no, no!' he insisted, scoffing at the notion of driving down the street, Trump flag waving. And he's not about to jump on JD Vance's political bandwagon, the likeliest vehicle for extending Trumpism in 2028 and beyond. 'I'm acknowledging the accomplishments of the man in the office,' Hutson said, with emphasis on the White House's current occupant, whom he supported over Kamala Harris. 'I'm very impressed.' It's not, as one might suppose, because the Denver oil and gas executive is enamored of Trump's exhortations to 'Drill, baby, drill! ('No, baby, no!' is more like it, as Hutson believes oversupply would drive prices down.) Rather, Hutson credits Trump with achieving a good deal of what he promised during the 2024 campaign. Securing America's borders. Forcing U.S. allies to cough up more for defense. Bringing Iran's nuclear program to heel. Taking on the country's unfair trade partners. He still doesn't much care for Trump's abrasive personality, the name-calling and denigrating of people. But Hutson's conversion shows that in a country deeply dug into oppositional camps, where political views appear cement-hardened into place, there are still those open to persuasion and even willing to change their minds. As confounding as that might seem. :: Hutson, 65, was a Republican his whole life, until leaving the party sometime in the 2010s. Or, more precisely, he felt 'the party left me.' A growing stridency around abortion and same-sex marriage was particularly off-putting to Hutson, who describes himself as a conservative on fiscal issues and a live-and-let-live type on social matters. 'If you're lucky enough in life to find somebody you love,' he said, 'God bless.' Hutson has long been active in civic and political affairs, serving on various boards and commissions under Democrats and Republicans alike. He recalled attending a meeting some years ago when GOP leaders gathered to discuss Colorado's increasingly blue coloration. 'If winning means nominating an African American lesbian with antennae coming out of her head,' then Republicans should do so, Hutson suggested. That didn't go over well. But it fit Hutson's approach to politics. He grew up an Army brat, moving around the world until his father completed his military career and settled in Golden, Colo., to take a job at a family lumber business. For all the impermanence — packing up and relocating just about every two years — Hutson said his upbringing was in many ways ideal, shaping his outlook to this day. The military, he said, reflects the best of America: unity, shared purpose, teamwork. 'I think it teaches you a lot of tolerance,' he said. 'I think it teaches you a lot of acceptance.' His GOP pedigree came from his father, the Army colonel. But it wasn't the scorched-earth version of today's Republican Party, in which Democrats and their philosophy are regarded as the root of all evil. Long ago, as leader of the Jefferson County Republican Men's Club, Hutson invited Colorado's governor, Democrat Roy Romer, to speak. 'I was catching such hell from people. 'How dare you invite a Democrat to speak to this group?' ' Hutson remembered being chastised. 'And I said, 'Well, he's our governor, isn't he? I think it'd be an honor.' ' After some initial puzzlement from the governor's office — are you sure? — Romer came and spoke, holding just the kind of cross-party conversation that Hutson wishes occurred more often among politicians in worlds-apart Washington. 'I'd love for Trump to have a weekly meeting with [Democratic House leader] Hakeem Jeffries,' Hutson said as he sat high above downtown Denver, his office decor — dark leather, rugged mountain landscape, a display of amber liquids — suggesting a Western cigar bar theme. 'I would love for Trump to sit down weekly with [Chuck] Schumer' — the Democratic Senate leader — or bring Schumer and the GOP Senate leader, John Thune, together and say, ' 'How do we work our way through this?' ' Could you imagine that, Hutson asked, before answering his own question. Nope. Never gonna happen. :: Nothing, and no individual, is perfect. But Hutson looks to the bottom line, and he's willing to accept trade-offs. Trump is loud and uncouth. But he's respected on the world stage, Hutson said, in a way the shuffling Biden was not. Trump may be toying with tariffs — up, down, all around. But at least he's addressing the country's one-sided trade relationships in a way, Hutson said, no president has before. He may be off base calling for a drastic ramp-up of domestic oil production. But in general, Hutson said, Trump's welcoming message to business is, 'What can we do to be more helpful?' It's unfortunate that innocents are being swept up in mass immigration raids. But maybe that wouldn't have happened, Hutson said, if local officials had been more cooperative and criminal elements weren't allowed to insinuate themselves so deeply into their communities in the first place. Besides, he said, haven't Democrats and Republicans both said a secure border and tougher enforcement is needed before comprehensively overhauling the nation's fouled-up immigration system? 'We need to bring in the workers we need,' Hutson said. 'I mean, if somebody's coming here to work and be a meaningful part of society, God bless, man.' Not perfect. But, all in all, a better and stronger presidential performance, Hutson suggested, than many with their blind hatred of Trump can see, or are willing to acknowledge. 'I've got to look at the results,' Hutson said, 'and despite his caustic attitude and behavior, I think he's done a really, really good job.' When Barack Obama was elected president, Hutson recalled, one of his Democratic friends, a Black man, said to him, ' 'Roger, you've got a Black president.' And I said, 'You know, Kevin, you're right. And he's my president, just like he's your president. ' 'We don't have to agree on everything but, by God, he's the president of the United States and we respect that office.' ' Hutson paused. His eyes narrowed, disapprovingly. 'We've lost that,' he said.
Washington Post
09-07-2025
- Business
- Washington Post
How the Know-Nothings, Free Soilers and other third parties shaped US politics
Elon Musk's plan to create a new political party puts him in the company of a long line of business and political titans looking to upend the two-party system that has dominated U.S. politics since almost the beginning. From the Anti-Masonic Party in the early 1800s to last year's ill-fated No Labels, nascent political parties have been a near-constant feature of U.S. politics. Some are impactful, others ephemeral, but few endure for long.
