
Men freed from El Salvador mega-prison endured ‘state-sanctioned torture', lawyers say
When José Manuel Ramos Bastidas – one of 252 Venezuelan men that the US sent to El Salvador's most notorious mega-prison – finally made it back home to El Tocuyo on Tuesday, the first thing he did was stretch his arms around his family.
His wife, son and mother were wearing the bright blue shirts they had printed with a photo of him, posed in a yellow and black moto jacket and camo-print jeans. It was the first time they had hugged him since he left Venezuela last year. And it was the first time they could be sure – truly sure – that he was alive and well since he disappeared into the Centro de Confinamiento del Terrorismo (Cecot) in March.
'We have been waiting for this moment for months, and I feel like I can finally breathe,' said Roynerliz Rodríguez, Ramos Bastidas's partner. 'These last months have been a living nightmare, not knowing anything about José Manuel and only imagining what he must be suffering. I am happy he is free from Cecot, but I also know that we will never be free of the shadow of this experience. There must be justice for all those who suffered this torture.'
The Venezuelan deportees were repatriated last week following a deal between the US and Venezuelan governments. Nicolás Maduro, the Venezuelan president, negotiated a prisoner swap that released 10 American citizens in his custody and dozens of Venezuelan political prisoners in exchange for the release of his citizens from Cecot.
This week, after undergoing medical and background checks, they are finally reuniting with their families. Their testimonies of what they experienced inside Cecot are providing the first, most detailed pictures of the conditions inside Cecot, a mega-prison that human rights groups say is designed to disappear people.
Ramos Bastidas and other US deportees were told that they were condemned to spend 30 to 90 years in Cecot unless the US president ordered otherwise, he told his lawyers. They were shot with rubber bullets on repeated occasions – including on Friday, during their last day of detention.
In interviews with the media and in testimony provided to their lawyers, other detainees described lengthy beatings and humiliation by guards. After some detainees tried to break the locks on their cell, prisoners were beaten for six consecutive days, the Atlantic reports. Male guards reportedly brought in female colleagues, who beat the naked prisoners and recorded videos.
Edicson David Quintero Chacón, a US deportee, said that he was placed in isolation for stretches of time, during which he thought he would die, his lawyer told the Guardian. Quintero Chacón, who has scars from daily beatings, also said that he and other inmates were only provided soap and an opportunity to bathe on days when visitors were touring the prison – forcing them to choose between hygiene and public humiliation.
Food was limited, and the drinking water was dirty, Quintero Chacón and other detainees have said. Lights were on all night, so detainees could never fully rest. 'And the guards would also come in at night and beat them at night,' said his lawyer Stephanie M Alvarez-Jones, the south-east regional attorney at the National Immigration Project.
In a filing asking for a dismissal of her months-long petition on behalf of her clients' release, Alvarez-Jones wrote: 'He will likely carry the psychological impact of this torture his whole life. The courts must never look away when those who wield the power of the US government, at the highest levels, engage in such state-sanctioned violence.'
Ramos Bastidas has never been convicted of any crimes in the US (or in any country). In fact, he had never really set foot in the US as a free man.
In El Tocuyo, in the Venezuelan state of Lara, and had been working since he was a teenager to support his family. Last year, he decided to leave his country – which has yet to recover from an economic collapse – to seek better income, so he could pay for medical care for his infant with severe asthma.
In March 2024, he arrived at the US-Mexico border and presented himself at a port of entry. He made an appointment using the now-defunct CBP One phone application to apply for asylum – but immigration officials and a judge determined that he did not qualify.
But Customs and Border Protection agents had flagged Ramos Bastidas as a possible member of the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua, based on an unsubstantiated report from Panamanian officials and his tattoos. So they transferred him to a detention facility, where he was to remain until he could be deported.
Despite agreeing to return to Venezuela, he remained for months in detention. 'I think what is particularly enraging for José is that he had accepted his deportation,' said Alvarez-Jones. 'He was asking for his deportation for a long time, and he just wanted to go back home.'
In December, Venezuela wasn't accepting deportees – so Ramos Bastidas asked if he could be released and make his own way home. A month later, Donald Trump was sworn in as president. Everything changed.
Ramos Bastidas began to see other Venezuelans were being sent to the military base in Guantánamo Bay in Cuba – and he feared the same would happen to him. On 14 March, he shared with his family that maybe he would be able to come back to Venezuela after all, after officials began prepping him for deportation.
The next day, he was flown to Cecot.
'They could have deported him to Venezuela,' Alvarez-Jones. 'Instead, the US government made a determination to send him to be tortured in Cecot.'
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The Guardian
40 minutes ago
- The Guardian
‘Our north is the south': Softball leagues flourish in Brazilian city as Cuban arrivals outnumber Venezuelans for first time
If he had been able to choose, Roberto Hernandez Tello, 59, would have gone to the United States last May, when he left Cuba in search of a better life. However, due to Donald Trump's anti-immigration policies, he ended up in Curitiba, in southern Brazil, 3,940 miles from his native Camagüey. Thousands of his compatriots have arrived in Brazil this year, contributing to a shift in which, for the first time, more Cubans than Venezuelans are applying for asylum in Latin America's largest country. 'I love Cuba, but with the crisis it's impossible to live there now,' said Tello. 'I have a 31-year-old son who lives in the US. But since Trump scrapped the parole, I chose to come to Brazil,' he added, referring to the US president's elimination of the humanitarian programme known as CHNV, which had benefited migrants from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela. For years, Venezuela's political and economic crises has driven people out of the country, creating a global diaspora of nearly 8 million. However, as of June this year, Brazil has had twice as many asylum requests from Cubans, 19,419, compared with Venezuelans, 9,850. Cubans typically travel to Guyana or Suriname, countries with less bureaucratic visa processes, before crossing the land border into the northern Brazilian states of Roraima and Amapá. But many are continuing their journey way down south, particularly to Curitiba – a city home to 1.8 million and the capital of Paraná state – which ranks just behind the northern entry-point towns in Cuban asylum requests. The city has the highest GDP of the southern state capitals and is known for its strong public transportation, healthcare and education systems. There are so many Cubans and Venezuelans in Curitiba that they've formed two leagues of softball, a sport virtually unknown in football-obsessed Brazil. About 350 players, split across 16 teams, play the larger-ball, compact version of baseball on makeshift pitches of two parks in São José dos Pinhais, just outside Curitiba. The catcher of one team, Ernesto Alberto Keiser Limonta, 30, arrived last year. He lives with his wife and is now focused on bringing the rest of the family to join them. 'I chose Curitiba because I was told it's a prosperous, safe city that has a lot of work,' he said. Almost every Sunday, Limonta takes to the field in full uniform – cap, jersey bearing the flags of Cuba and Brazil, trousers, socks, and cleats without metal studs, to avoid injuries that could prevent someone from working the next day. Given that the heavy influx of Venezuelans began earlier, they make up most of the players, but the roughly 20 Cubans have managed to form a dedicated Team Cuba. 'There's a saying among migrants – and now it's being repeated by Cubans – that our north is the south,' said one Venezuelan, Angel Blanco, 44, who founded one of the leagues. The movement began last year when – according to the UN Refugee Agency – Brazil became the country with the highest number of Cubans applying for asylum (22,288 applications), ahead of Mexico (17,884) and the US (13,685). The figures could be even higher, as many Cubans struggle even to submit their requests. Tello, for instance, has been seeking help from the humanitarian NGO José as he still has not been able to book an appointment with the federal police to formally register his request. Only with the protocol, which also serves as an ID, can migrants be officially hired by Brazilian employers. Appointments must be booked online, and the next available slot wasn't until November, Tello said. 'I'm afraid I'll run out of money – and if I do, I'll end up sleeping on the streets. In this cold, I'd be dead within days,' he added, referring to the city's climate, where temperatures can drop to 5C. A federal police spokesperson said the gap was 'due to high and growing demand' and that 'ongoing efforts to expand capacity have not been enough to keep pace with the exponential number of migrants arriving in the region.' Yaneth Corina Lara Garcia, a Venezuelan who works as an integration assistant at the non-profit organisation Cáritas Curitiba, said: 'It's six months in which, unable to get formal work, Cuban migrants end up vulnerable to exploitation – including modern slavery.' Another common challenge for Cubans is having their university degrees recognised, which forces many into lower-paid jobs, such as construction or cooking. Yarismeli Nardo, 36, a psychologist who has lived in Curitiba since 2019, is one of the few to have had her degree recognised. But it wasn't easy, she says. The Federal University of Paraná opens just one application round per year, requiring a lengthy list of documents – often difficult to obtain in Cuba – as well as exams and interviews. However, she persisted, and while working as a pharmacy sales assistant, Nardo completed the process. She now spends two days a week working as a psychologist at a clinic and the rest as an IT technician. Now, six years after she left, Nardo is planning her first holiday back to Cuba. 'I want to save a little money, because my biggest wish is to see my grandmother, who's 94,' she said. 'When I first came here, I felt as if I was nobody – starting from scratch, where no one knew me. Now I feel as if I'm finally catching my breath.'


Telegraph
2 hours ago
- Telegraph
White House backs anti-Islam preacher in two-tier policing row
The Trump administration is backing a controversial Christian preacher at the centre of a 'two-tier' policing row over his right to criticise Islam, The Telegraph can reveal. Dia Moodley, a father of four, met US officials dispatched to interview British 'victims of censorship' amid growing concern in Washington that free speech in the UK is under threat. In the past four years, the evangelical pastor, from Bristol, has been the subject of repeated enforcement action by Avon and Somerset Police over his street preaching, which includes comparisons between Christianity and Islam, as well as sermons on abortion and homosexuality. In his preaching, Mr Moodley says Islam is 'lies' and 'darkness', while Christianity is 'light'. He contrasts the Bible, which he says is 'the truth', with the Koran, which he claims is 'not true'. In one public sermon in 2024 he stated his belief that there are differences between 'the moral standards of the God of Islam and the Christian God.' Street preaching is a visible part of religious life in the US, especially in the South and Midwest. But in the UK, it is less socially accepted, and even viewed as a public nuisance. In 2021, Mr Moodley was banned from 'passing comment' on any faith other than Christianity and from giving sermons without police approval. It can now be revealed that the pastor, 58, was among the activists who met US State Department diplomats during their fact-finding mission to the UK in March. Until now, it was only confirmed that the US delegation met five anti-abortion activists charged over prayer vigils outside clinics, including Livia Tossici-Bolt, convicted in April for protesting in Bournemouth. The others were Isabel Vaughan-Spruce, Rose Docherty, Adam Smith-Connor and Father Sean Gough, who all described being detained for silent prayer. Mr Moodley's inclusion appears to be further evidence of the Trump administration's willingness to interfere in UK domestic affairs, potentially broadening its free speech concerns from buffer zone legislation to broader allegations that Christians are being silenced while other faiths, including Islam, are appeased. 'Free speech in crisis' In an interview with The Telegraph, Mr Moodley said he was 'pleased' to be invited to meet a five-person US State Department team in London on March 19. 'We've been crying out here in the United Kingdom for quite a few years now, especially over the last year or two. Our position has been that free speech is in crisis,' he said. 'So when the US State Department came and said they wanted to sit across the table from us and hear directly what we were going through, it felt like what our own government needed to do – to sit down with us and ask what is actually happening on the ground, rather than hearing our Prime Minister saying 'free speech has always been here',' he added, referring to Sir Keir Starmer's comments to JD Vance, the vice president, in February. Asked whether he feared being used as a political pawn, Mr Moodley said his only concern was that the UK free speech crisis had 'caught the attention of somebody else'. The meeting was facilitated by ADF International UK (ADFI), the British arm of an American Right-wing Christian group, which had been contacted by US State Department officials seeking to speak with 'victims of censorship in the UK'. Its US partner, Alliance Defending Freedom, lobbied to overturn Roe v Wade in 2022 – a ruling that triggered abortion bans in 13 states. Since then, the group has shifted focus to Britain, funnelling £1.1 million into its UK arm last year for campaigning and related activity. Mr Moodley, who is a client of ADFI, told US State Department officials how, in October 2021, police banned him from 'passing comments on any other religion or comparing them to Christianity'. The order also barred him from 'delivering a sermon or religious address at a time or place that has not had prior consent and approval of Avon & Somerset Constabulary'. 'Being able to compare is part of the Christian methodology to get the message out, and here we have the police saying 'you can't do that, and if you do that, we could possibly arrest you',' Mr Moodley said. With support from ADFI, in December 2021 he successfully challenged the order. After further litigation, the force admitted in February 2024 the restrictions had been 'disproportionate'. 'Christians treated less favourably' Unlike other activists who met the delegation, Mr Moodley's main concern is 'two-tier policing'. He claims Christians are treated less favourably than Muslims with the most recent incident taking place in Bristol on March 22, just days after his meeting with the State Department. While giving a sermon, Mr Moodley compared Islamic and Christian teachings, which provoked an angry response from Muslim passers-by. 'I held up in my one hand my Bible and my copy of the Koran – it's my own personal copy of the Koran, in which all my notes are, my pages are highlighted, and stuff that I've studied in the Koran – and a man literally said to me, as he walked across from the shopping precinct, 'if you do not stop right now, I'm going to stab you',' he claimed. What happened next was captured on video and shared with The Telegraph. 'Three other men came up, identified as Muslims, and said to me they want my Koran. Their words to me were, 'this is not your book'. Meaning it's a book of their faith, and they tried to grab it from me.' He said: 'They made every attempt to grab it to such a point, imposing themselves upon me in a very dangerous way, where they pushed me off the ladder, I could have knocked my head on the sign board behind me.' Mr Moodley continued: 'The police arrived on the scene whilst these men were there, and did nothing about it. It smells of two-tier policing. It smells of the fact that there was a Muslim crowd there, and they did not want to upset this Muslim crowd.' He was told by Avon and Somerset Police on July 21 they would not pursue charges against the individual who allegedly threatened him. In a statement, Avon and Somerset Police confirmed that following the incident on March 22, a man in his 20s attended a voluntary interview. No further action was initially taken, but after Mr Moodley submitted a victim's right to review, the case was reconsidered and referred to the CPS. A force spokesman added: 'The process is ongoing and therefore this remains a live police investigation. This has been recorded as a public order incident and a hate crime.' Mr Moodley is also considering fresh legal action against the force, supported by the ADFI, over what he claims is institutional hostility toward his Christian faith.


Reuters
3 hours ago
- Reuters
The US said it had no choice but to deport them to a third country. Then it sent them home
WASHINGTON, Aug 2 (Reuters) - The Trump administration says that some serious criminals need to be deported to third countries because even their home countries won't accept them. But a review of recent cases shows that at least five men threatened with such a fate were sent to their native countries within weeks. President Donald Trump aims to deport millions of immigrants in the U.S. illegally and his administration has sought to ramp up removals to third countries, including sending convicted criminals to South Sudan and Eswatini, formerly known as Swaziland, two sub-Saharan African nations. Immigrants convicted of crimes typically first serve their U.S. sentences before being deported. This appeared to be the case with the eight men deported to South Sudan and five to Eswatini, although some had been released years earlier. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security said in June that third-country deportations allow them to deport people 'so uniquely barbaric that their own countries won't take them back.' Critics have countered that it's not clear the U.S. tried to return the men deported to South Sudan and Eswatini to their home countries and that the deportations were unnecessarily cruel. Reuters found that at least five men threatened with deportation to Libya in May were sent to their home countries weeks later, according to interviews with two of the men, a family member and attorneys. After a U.S. judge blocked the Trump administration from sending them to Libya, two men from Vietnam, two men from Laos and a man from Mexico were all deported to their home nations. The deportations have not previously been reported. DHS did not comment on the removals. Reuters could not determine if their home countries initially refused to take them or why the U.S. tried to send them to Libya. DHS spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin contested that the home countries of criminals deported to third countries were willing to take them back, but did not provide details on any attempts to return the five men home before they were threatened with deportation to Libya. 'If you come to our country illegally and break our laws, you could end up in CECOT, Alligator Alcatraz, Guantanamo Bay, or South Sudan or another third country,' McLaughlin said in a statement, referencing El Salvador's maximum-security prison and a detention center in the subtropical Florida Everglades. DHS did not respond to a request for the number of third-country deportations since Trump took office on January 20, although there have been thousands to Mexico and hundreds to other countries. The eight men sent to South Sudan were from Cuba, Laos, Mexico, Myanmar, South Sudan and Vietnam, according to DHS. The man DHS said was from South Sudan had a deportation order to Sudan, according to a court filing. The five men sent to Eswatini were from Cuba, Jamaica, Laos, Vietnam and Yemen, according to DHS. White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson said the men deported to South Sudan and Eswatini were 'the worst of the worst' and included people convicted in the United States of child sex abuse and murder. 'American communities are safer with these heinous illegal criminals gone,' Jackson said in a statement. The Laos government did not respond to requests for comment regarding the men threatened with deportation to Libya and those deported to South Sudan and Eswatini. Vietnam's foreign ministry spokesperson said on July 17 that the government was verifying information regarding the South Sudan deportation but did not provide additional comment to Reuters. The government of Mexico did not comment. The Trump administration acknowledged in a May 22 court filing that the man from Myanmar had valid travel documents to return to his home country but he was deported to South Sudan anyway. DHS said the man had been convicted of sexual assault involving a victim mentally and physically incapable of resisting. Eswatini's government said on Tuesday that it was still holding the five migrants sent there in isolated prison units under the deal with the Trump administration. The Supreme Court in June allowed the Trump administration to deport migrants to third countries without giving them a chance to show they could be harmed. But the legality of the removals is still being contested in a federal lawsuit in Boston, a case that could potentially wind its way back to the conservative-leaning high court. Critics say the removals aim to stoke fear among migrants and encourage them to 'self deport' to their home countries rather than be sent to distant countries they have no connection with. 'This is a message that you may end up with a very random outcome that you're going to like a lot less than if you elect to leave under your own steam,' said Michelle Mittelstadt, communications director for the non-partisan Migration Policy Institute. Internal U.S. immigration enforcement guidance issued in July said migrants could be deported to countries that had not provided diplomatic assurances of their safety in as little as six hours. While the administration has highlighted the deportations of convicted criminals to African countries, it has also sent asylum-seeking Afghans, Russians and others to Panama and Costa Rica. The Trump administration deported more than 200 Venezuelans accused of being gang members to El Salvador in March, where they were held in the country's CECOT prison without access to attorneys until they were released in a prisoner swap last month. More than 5,700 non-Mexican migrants have been deported to Mexico since Trump took office, according to Mexican government data, continuing a policy that began under former President Joe Biden. The fact that one Mexican man was deported to South Sudan and another threatened with deportation to Libya suggests that the Trump administration did not try to send them to their home countries, according to Trina Realmuto, executive director at the pro-immigrant National Immigration Litigation Alliance. 'Mexico historically accepts back its own citizens,' said Realmuto, one of the attorneys representing migrants in the lawsuit contesting third-country deportations. The eight men deported to South Sudan included Mexican national Jesus Munoz Gutierrez, who had served a sentence in the U.S. for second-degree murder and was directly taken into federal immigration custody afterward, according to Realmuto. Court records show Munoz stabbed and killed a roommate during a fight in 2004. When the Trump administration first initiated the deportation in late May, Mexico's President Claudia Sheinbaum said her government had not been informed. 'If he does want to be repatriated, then the United States would have to bring him to Mexico,' Sheinbaum said at the time. His sister, Guadalupe Gutierrez, said in an interview that she didn't understand why he was sent to South Sudan, where he is currently in custody. She said Mexico is trying to get her brother home. 'Mexico never rejected my brother,' Gutierrez said. Immigration hardliners see the third-country removals as a way to deal with immigration offenders who can't easily be deported and could pose a threat to the U.S. public. "The Trump administration is prioritizing the safety of American communities over the comfort of these deportees,' said Jessica Vaughan, policy director at the Center for Immigration Studies, which supports lower levels of immigration. The Trump administration in July pressed other African nations to take migrants and has asked the Pacific Islands nation of Palau, among others. Under U.S. law, federal immigration officials can deport someone to a country other than their place of citizenship when all other efforts are 'impracticable, inadvisable or impossible.' Immigration officials must first try to send an immigrant back to their home country, and if they fail, then to a country with which they have a connection, such as where they lived or were born. For a Lao man who was almost deported to Libya in early May, hearing about the renewed third-country deportations took him back to his own close call. In an interview from Laos granted on condition of anonymity because of fears for his safety, he asked why the U.S. was 'using us as a pawn?' His attorney said the man had served a prison sentence for a felony. Reuters could not establish what he was convicted of. He recalled officials telling him to sign his deportation order to Libya, which he refused, telling them he wanted to be sent to Laos instead. They told him he would be deported to Libya regardless of whether he signed or not, he said. DHS did not comment on the allegations. The man, who came to the United States in the early 1980s as a refugee when he was four years old, said he was now trying to learn the Lao language and adapt to his new life, 'taking it day by day.'