
Six killed in massive Russian drone, missile attack across Ukraine
"The Russians continue to use their specific tactics of terror against our country, striking concentrated blows at one city or another, at one region or another," Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said in his evening address.
Moscow has stepped up aerial strikes over recent months as U.S.-led ceasefire talks have stalled.
"Twenty-six cruise missiles and 597 attack drones were launched, of which more than half were 'Shaheds,'" Zelenskyy said, referring to Iranian-made drones.
The Ukrainian air force said it had downed 319 Shahed drones and 25 missiles, adding that one missile and about 20 drones had hit "five locations."
Zelenskyy said the strikes had killed at least two people and wounded 20 in the southwestern Chernivtsi region, far from the front lines of the east and south.
Twelve people were wounded in Lviv, also in the west, while in the east, two people died in Dnipropetrovsk and three were wounded in Kharkiv, local officials said.
Russia also "dropped two guided aerial bombs on the homes of civilians" in the northeastern Sumy region killing two, the local prosecutors office said.
'Deliberate and despicable'
Zelenskyy said that some of the drones sent by Russia had been "simulators" intended to "overload the air defense system and make it more difficult to shoot down the 'suicide drones.' This is their deliberate and despicable terror."
The Russian defense ministry said it had targeted companies in Ukraine's military-industrial complex in Lviv, Kharkiv and Lutsk and a military aerodrome.
In a video message, Zelenskyy said "we are close to reaching a multi-level agreement on new Patriot systems and missiles for them." Ukraine was stepping up production of its own interceptor systems, he added.
U.S. special envoy Keith Kellogg is due to begin his latest visit to Ukraine on Monday as a Washington-led peace effort flounders. U.S. President Donald Trump also said he would make a "major statement ... on Russia" on Monday.
On Friday, the Kremlin restated its opposition to a European peacekeeping force in Ukraine, after French President Emmanuel Macron said Kyiv's allies had a plan "ready to go ... in the hours after a ceasefire."
Trump called Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin last week but said afterwards that there had been no progress towards ending the war.
The Kremlin said Putin would not give up on Russia's war goals but would nonetheless continue to take part in negotiations.
Moscow says its aim in Ukraine is to get rid of the "root causes" of the conflict and has demanded that Kyiv give up its NATO ambitions.
Weapons, sanctions
Washington's announcement earlier this month that it would pause some armament deliveries to Ukraine was a blow to Kyiv, which is reliant on Western military support.
On Saturday, Zelenskyy urged his Western allies to send "more than just signals" to stop the war launched by Russia in February 2022.
"The pace of Russian air strikes requires swift decisions and it can be curbed right now through sanctions," he said on social media.
Zelenskyy specifically demanded penalties for those who "help Russia produce drones and profit from oil."
Oil exports are important for the Russian economy especially in the face of existing Western sanctions.
Sanctions imposed on Russia — the world's largest fertilizer producer — after the invasion spared its grain and fertilizer exports.
But prices skyrocketed, fueling fears of food insecurity.
The United Nations signed a deal with Russia in July 2022 to facilitate exports of food and fertilizer to limit global price increases.
But on Friday, it said the accord would not be renewed when it expires on July 22.
Russia has repeatedly complained the agreement does little to protect it from secondary sanction effects.
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While Russia cannot be considered a great power in Southeast Asia, most of the ASEAN member states recognize that at the global level, it does have certain great power attributes, including its size, population, nuclear arsenal and vast natural resources. Moreover, from a geopolitical perspective, Russia is a member of the U.N. Security Council and is an influential player in many regions of the world, including the post-Soviet space (especially Central Asia), Europe, the Arctic, the Middle East and Africa. Moscow also has an increasingly consequential strategic partnership with China, retains some influence on the Korean Peninsula and, since 2022, has reinvigorated its alliance with North Korea. Until the mid-2010s, Russian defense companies sold billions of dollars of equipment to regional states, including Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia and Myanmar. 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Yet despite these factors, not one single-authored book on Russia and Southeast Asia had been published since the end of the Cold War. In 2021, I decided to close that important gap in the academic literature. In February 2022, Russia invaded Ukraine and that event, and how Southeast Asian countries responded to it, made the task all the more timely and important. How did Russia's influence in, and approach toward, Southeast Asia evolve between President Vladimir Putin rise to power in 2000 and his invasion of Ukraine in February 2022? Where, and in which countries, do you think Russia made the most significant inroads? When Putin became president in 2000, he felt that his predecessor, Boris Yeltsin, had neglected Southeast Asia, especially Russia's Cold War allies Vietnam and Laos. He put bilateral relations with both of those countries back on track, and encouraged Russian defense companies to sell more arms to regional states. 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But as I argue in the book, from the mid-2010s, it began to lose ground: two-way trade with the ASEAN-10 peaked, its arms sales dropped off a cliff due to Western sanctions and its vaccine diplomacy during the COVID-19 pandemic was a flop. Then came the war. You began working on this book prior to the Ukraine invasion, an event that you write 'would complicate my endeavor, but make it much more interesting, timely, and relevant.' How has the war changed Putin's view of Southeast Asia and his policy towards it? Since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Southeast Asia's importance to Russia has increased significantly. In terms of regional responses to the invasion, I think the Kremlin can be fairly satisfied with the region's responses. While only Myanmar endorsed the invasion, Singapore was the only country that condemned Russia by name and imposed financial sanctions. All of the other ASEAN states took an essentially neutral position. 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