How Syrian government forces and factions are linked to the mass killings of Alawites
Al-Sharaa was named president and abolished the constitution, along with disbanding the Assad government's army and security apparatus.
'The sun of a new Syria is rising,' he said.
Each commander received an army division and a rank, and they pledged to integrate their factions into the new Syrian army. In theory, al-Sharaa dissolved his militia, formerly known as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, or HTS, which was previously al-Qaeda's Syria branch, known as the Nusra Front.
A pro-Assad uprising in early March in Syria's coastal regions was the first test of the tenuous unity.
A few hours into the insurgency, the new government called for reinforcements to defeat the uprising of remnants of the Assad government, known in Arabic as 'fuloul.' Tens of thousands of vehicles, fighters and weapons flooded the coast.
The defense ministry divided the coast into sectors, placing them under the command of a top official to coordinate movements and positions, according to three security sources, including Mohammed al-Jassim, commander of the Sultan Suleiman Shah Brigade, also known as Amshat.
A Reuters investigation found 1,479 Syrian Alawites were killed and dozens were missing from 40 distinct sites of revenge killings, rampages and looting. Five major groups were involved in the mass killings that followed in Alawite towns and neighborhoods, many of which were struck by multiple groups over three days:
These include Unit 400, the Othman Brigade, and its main law enforcement body, known as the General Security Service. Reuters found their involvement in at least 10 sites, where nearly 900 people were killed.
Before Assad fell, the GSS was the main HTS law enforcement arm in the province of Idlib under its control. It is now part of Syria's Interior Ministry.
In 2020, the U.N. described 'deeply troubling' reports of executions and abuses at the hands of HTS law enforcement authorities. Human Rights Watch documented how HTS, then known as the Nusra Front, killed 149 Alawites in summary executions in Latakia in 2013.
Unit 400 is mentioned in a handful of online posts, none of them from official Syrian government accounts. Several of them posted in early December, using identical language, say Unit 400 fighters were being deployed to western Syria. The posts describe Unit 400 as "among the strongest units" in Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, having received "high levels of training and equipped with the most modern weaponry."
Unit 400 was moved to the coastal regions after Assad's falll, according to multiple witnesses and a member of the unit. A foreign intelligence source said the unit set up its headquarters in the former Syrian naval academy and answers only to the top levels of the Defense Ministry.
Over the past decade, Turkey launched military incursions in Syria and backed rebels there to oppose both Assad and Kurdish forces it deems a threat.
These factions were part of the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army, Syria's second largest opposition coalition. SNA factions have a track record of abductions, sexual violence and widespread looting, according to Human Rights Watch and other rights groups.
Among those Turkey backed during the civil war were the Sultan Suleiman Shah Brigade and the Hamza division.
In the Alawite killings, Reuters found the involvement of those two groups in at least eight different sites where nearly 700 people were killed.
On his Facebook page, a militiaman affiliated with the Sultan Suleiman Shah division posted: 'Turn off cameras. Kill every male. Their blood is as dirty as pigs.'
SUNNI FACTIONS
These include the anti-Assad rebel forces of Jayish al-Islam, Jayish al-Ahrar and Jayish al-Izza. Reuters found they were present in at least four sites where nearly 350 people were killed.
In 2013, Jayish al-Islam captured a number of Alawite women and men and put them in large metal cages to use as human shields from Syrian and Russian airstrikes in Damascus. The group is also blamed by rights groups for the disappearance of prominent activists during the revolution.
These include the Turkistan Islamic Party, or TIP, Uzbeks, Chechens, and some Arab fighters in six sites where Reuters found nearly 500 people were killed.
Sectarian bitterness stemming from years of civil war and Assad's abuses led people to attack neighboring villages and neighborhoods of Alawites, a minority linked to the Assad family. Reuters found the two main sites of these revenge killings were the village of Arza and in the city of Baniyas, where a total of 300 people were killed.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Guardian
3 hours ago
- The Guardian
The Guardian view on Syria's hopes and fears: stability can't be built without the people
After five decades of Assad family rule, and almost 14 years of civil war, Syrians knew that establishing a brighter future was likely to be as fraught a struggle as removing their dictator had been. Many greeted the new president – Ahmed al-Sharaa, a former al-Qaida fighter and leader of the Islamist rebel group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham – with excitement, while minorities viewed him with a cautious optimism. Now sectarian violence threatens frail but genuine hopes of a better tomorrow. In March, hundreds of mostly Alawite civilians were massacred along the coast, after an ambush of security forces by supporters of the ousted dictator, Bashar al-Assad, a member of the sect. Then, this month, a dispute between a Bedouin tribesman and a member of the Druze minority in the southern region of Sweida swiftly escalated into horrific sectarian mass violence, involving Syrian government forces. Armed clashes, bombardments, summary executions and then Israeli airstrikes killed hundreds of people, including civilians. What is perhaps most alarming is the speed with which incidents can spiral, and the inability or unwillingness of the new government to control what is less an army than a ragbag of militias and warlords. Mr Sharaa has been adept at winning over his international audience, but much less so at addressing his domestic one. He has made gestures towards inclusivity, but substance has been much less evident. His leadership must straddle a fundamental contradiction: he needs to keep an extremist sectarian base on side – with Islamic State and others trying to lure members away – while reassuring the rest of a fragmented and deeply scarred country that he can protect them and meet at least their basic needs. The Assads weaponised intercommunal divisions to bolster their rule. Many people are seeking redress or retaliation for abuses committed under the old regime. The ubiquity of weapons after years of war and the desire of militia leaders to defend their interests adds to the danger, as does competition for scant economic resources. Israel's intervention this month – purportedly in defence of the Druze, a significant minority in Israel – has deepened the crisis. It has occupied additional territory and has clearly been working to reduce Syrian military capabilities and to undermine the leadership. Striking the defence ministry in Damascus didn't just send a message 'regarding the events in Sweida' but about its broader intentions. The US, which recognises that Syria's disintegration is not in its interests, has sought to rein Israel in and must continue doing so. Amid this bleak outlook, there are still notes of hope, especially in persistent grassroots efforts to tackle intercommunal violence through dialogue and to pursue transitional justice. These two priorities are interconnected: without ending impunity for the events of recent months and past decades, Syria cannot hope to establish the trust on which effective discussions depend. The government has paid lip service to transitional justice but has yet to name those it believes accountable for the slaughter in March – despite evidence on social media as well as from witnesses. It says there will be 'no tolerance' of abuses by anyone in Sweida. Terrified minorities will want to see proof of that assertion. Improved accountability, and commitment to building relations between communities, are not indulgences for happier and more prosperous times, but the foundation stones required for a successful nation. A Syria that is not inclusive and protective cannot hope to survive and thrive. Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here.
Reuters
8 hours ago
- Reuters
Syria expected to hold parliamentary election in September
July 27 (Reuters) - Syria is expected to hold its first parliamentary election under the new administration in September, the head of the electoral commission told state news agency SANA on Sunday. Voting for the 210-member People's Assembly is scheduled to take place between September 15 and 20, said Mohamed Taha, who is overseeing the electoral process. President Ahmed al-Sharaa has received a draft electoral law that amends a previous decree and raises the number of seats from 150 to 210. A third of the seats will be appointed by the president. The government has pledged broad representation and said it will allow foreign observers to monitor electoral committees overseeing the vote. Officials said areas outside government control, including Kurdish-held regions in northern Syria and the Druze-majority province of Sweida, would continue to have seats allocated based on population. The new assembly is expected to lay the groundwork for a broader democratic process, which critics say currently lacks sufficient participation from minority groups. It will also be tasked with approving landmark legislation aimed at overhauling decades of state-controlled economic policies and ratifying treaties that could reshape Syria's foreign policy alliances. In March, Syria issued a constitutional declaration to guide the interim period under Sharaa's leadership. The document preserves a central role for Islamic law while guaranteeing women's rights and freedom of expression. It raised concerns of civic groups and Western nations about the concentration of power among the country's Islamist-led leadership.
The Guardian
9 hours ago
- The Guardian
The Guardian view on Syria's hopes and fears: stability can't be built without the people
After five decades of Assad family rule, and almost 14 years of civil war, Syrians knew that establishing a brighter future was likely to be as fraught a struggle as removing their dictator had been. Many greeted the new president – Ahmed al-Sharaa, a former al-Qaida fighter and leader of the Islamist rebel group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham – with excitement, while minorities viewed him with a cautious optimism. Now sectarian violence threatens frail but genuine hopes of a better tomorrow. In March, hundreds of mostly Alawite civilians were massacred along the coast, after an ambush of security forces by supporters of the ousted dictator, Bashar al-Assad, a member of the sect. Then, this month, a dispute between a Bedouin tribesman and a member of the Druze minority in the southern region of Sweida swiftly escalated into horrific sectarian mass violence, involving Syrian government forces. Armed clashes, bombardments, summary executions and then Israeli airstrikes killed hundreds of people, including civilians. What is perhaps most alarming is the speed with which incidents can spiral, and the inability or unwillingness of the new government to control what is less an army than a ragbag of militias and warlords. Mr Sharaa has been adept at winning over his international audience, but much less so at addressing his domestic one. He has made gestures towards inclusivity, but substance has been much less evident. His leadership must straddle a fundamental contradiction: he needs to keep an extremist sectarian base on side – with Islamic State and others trying to lure members away – while reassuring the rest of a fragmented and deeply scarred country that he can protect them and meet at least their basic needs. The Assads weaponised intercommunal divisions to bolster their rule. Many people are seeking redress or retaliation for abuses committed under the old regime. The ubiquity of weapons after years of war and the desire of militia leaders to defend their interests adds to the danger, as does competition for scant economic resources. Israel's intervention this month – purportedly in defence of the Druze, a significant minority in Israel – has deepened the crisis. It has occupied additional territory and has clearly been working to reduce Syrian military capabilities and to undermine the leadership. Striking the defence ministry in Damascus didn't just send a message 'regarding the events in Sweida' but about its broader intentions. The US, which recognises that Syria's disintegration is not in its interests, has sought to rein Israel in and must continue doing so. Amid this bleak outlook, there are still notes of hope, especially in persistent grassroots efforts to tackle intercommunal violence through dialogue and to pursue transitional justice. These two priorities are interconnected: without ending impunity for the events of recent months and past decades, Syria cannot hope to establish the trust on which effective discussions depend. The government has paid lip service to transitional justice but has yet to name those it believes accountable for the slaughter in March – despite evidence on social media as well as from witnesses. It says there will be 'no tolerance' of abuses by anyone in Sweida. Terrified minorities will want to see proof of that assertion. Improved accountability, and commitment to building relations between communities, are not indulgences for happier and more prosperous times, but the foundation stones required for a successful nation. A Syria that is not inclusive and protective cannot hope to survive and thrive.
