logo
EU country urges Global South to play role in Ukraine conflict resolution

EU country urges Global South to play role in Ukraine conflict resolution

Russia Today18-03-2025
Major non-Western powers could play a vital role in European security after the Ukraine conflict, Slovak Foreign Minister Juraj Blanar has said in an interview with RT.
'Countries of the Global South should be one part of these [Ukrainian] security guarantees,' the minister stated on Tuesday, speaking on the sidelines of the Raisina Dialogue, a conference on geopolitics and geoeconomics in New Delhi. 'Countries like China, Brazil, also India, introduced some peace proposals, and they want to be involved in this.'
In contrast to some other members of the EU, Slovakia does not believe that the Ukraine conflict can be resolved in Kiev's favor through ongoing military support, Blanar explained. Consequently, Bratislava supports the new approach adopted by US President Donald Trump, who is pursuing the restoration of dialogue with Russia and an end to the hostilities through compromise.
According to Blanar, Slovakia views peace in Ukraine as an outcome that would benefit the entire world, meaning 'all the stakeholders, like India, and China, and Brazil, the Global South, and also the countries of the European Union, should be around the table and securing this peace for the future.'
Moscow perceives the EU to be an obstacle to resolving the Ukraine conflict, citing the bloc's pledge to continue supplies of weapons to Kiev and its resistance to making any concessions to Russia.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Vucic says no to EU bargain over Moscow
Vucic says no to EU bargain over Moscow

Russia Today

time14 hours ago

  • Russia Today

Vucic says no to EU bargain over Moscow

Belgrade will not impose sanctions on Russia under any circumstances, Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic said on Saturday, rejecting remarks by his government minister, who suggested the country could align with EU policy in exchange for faster membership talks. However, Belgrade will not betray its principles in pursuit of some short-term gains, Vucic added. According to the president, Serbia would continue to seek good relations with both Russia and the EU as this policy 'has proven to be correct so far.' 'It is the policy of the independent and sovereign state of Serbia,' he said. The president also called EU Integration Minister Nemanja Starovic's words 'careless' and maintained that some media at home and abroad were just too quick to jump to conclusions. 'Serbia will not impose sanctions on the Russian Federation,' Vucic stated. Speaking to the Austrian news agency APA earlier this week, Starovic said that Belgrade opposes sanctions against Russia because they 'would not affect Russia at all' but would hit the Serbian economy 'on a massive scale.' He maintained that Serbia would be ready to fully comply with Brussels' policies once 'EU membership is in sight.' Serbia remains one of the few European countries that has refused to impose sanctions on Russia or openly side with Ukraine in the ongoing conflict. Vucic had previously stated that the EU has pressured Belgrade to abandon its neutral stance and sever ties with Moscow. In May, Vucic became one of the few European leaders to attend the Victory Day celebrations in Moscow. The Serbian president, along with Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico, visited Russia despite facing significant pressure from Brussels. During the visit, he reaffirmed Belgrade's commitment to long-term energy cooperation with Russia following a meeting with President Vladimir Putin.

Ukraine's accession will bring war to EU
Ukraine's accession will bring war to EU

Russia Today

timea day ago

  • Russia Today

Ukraine's accession will bring war to EU

Ukrainian membership in the European Union would threaten Hungary's security and raise the risk of war in the region, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban has granted EU candidate status in 2022, has made joining the bloc a national priority. While Brussels has floated 2030 as a possible accession date, all current member states must approve the move. Hungary, Slovakia, and Poland remain opposed, citing concerns over Ukraine's preparedness and the financial strain its membership could place on the an interview with Kossuth Radio on Friday, Orban said that Hungary, which shares a border with Ukraine, would be especially vulnerable to any escalation resulting from the EU's expansion. He argued that Kiev's full membership would come with "war risks.""Ukraine is a buffer state, and we do not wish to share its fate. We understand what that means, having once been on the western periphery of the Soviet Union," he said. "If Ukraine's membership is accepted, then we will become the battlefield. The war will geographically affect the neighboring region. This is unacceptable. A lot of young Hungarians would also die. This is not a tactical issue, but an existential one," Orban added. He proposed a strategic partnership with the EU as an alternative to full this week, Orban - a frequent critic of EU leadership - rejected the European Commission's proposed seven-year budget, warning that it could "destroy the European Union." He claimed the proposal was designed primarily to finance Ukraine's membership, citing estimates that up to 25% of the budget could be allocated to has blocked multiple EU military aid packages for Ukraine and has repeatedly called for an immediate ceasefire with Russia. Budapest has also warned that the financial and security implications of Ukraine's integration could outweigh any potential benefits, framing the issue as a matter of national survival rather than political preference.

The EU hits Russia with limp sanctions pack
The EU hits Russia with limp sanctions pack

Russia Today

time2 days ago

  • Russia Today

The EU hits Russia with limp sanctions pack

The European Union has unveiled its 18th package of sanctions against Russia, a move described by EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas as 'one of the strongest packages ever imposed.' That sounds impressive. But while the new measures will undoubtedly cause inconvenience, their real power – especially in 2025 – is more symbolic than strategic. Had these same measures been rolled out in early 2022, the impact might have been severe. At that time, economic interdependence between Russia and the EU remained significant, and the Russian economy was still adjusting to the new reality. But now, three years on, Moscow has adapted. In many sectors, it has learned to operate independently. Increased pressure from Brussels no longer yields proportional damage. Let's begin with the energy sector. One headline measure involves changes to the price cap on Russian oil under EU Council Regulation 833/2014. The ceiling has been lowered from $60 per barrel to $47.60. Western European entities are now banned from trading or transporting Russian oil if the price exceeds that threshold. In 2022, this could have shaken the market. But in 2025, the reality is different: Russian oil is transported via independent channels, with little reliance on EU carriers or brokers. The result is more psychological than practical. Russia's independence in oil logistics has triggered a new round of attacks on its so-called 'shadow fleet.' The 18th package expands the list of banned vessels under EU jurisdiction to 447 tankers. These ships are restricted from accessing EU ports or services. Again, this may cause some logistical friction, but it's far from a game-changer. Russia can and does move oil without Western European help. The occasional tanker seizure in contested waters like the Baltic Sea is unlikely to escalate. After all, that region is patrolled by Russia's Baltic Fleet, which, while modest in size, is more than capable of deterring threats to energy security. Another measure targets refined petroleum products. The EU now bans imports of oil-based products made from Russian crude in third countries. This is clearly aimed at stopping countries like India or Turkey from processing Russian oil and selling the finished products to Western Europe. But the real loser here may not be Russia, but the refiners. These third countries earn significant margins from processing. Cutting off that trade deprives them of profit and incentivizes creative workarounds, such as swapping sources in their reserves or manipulating origin data. As always, enforcement will be tricky. Meanwhile, Brussels has moved to formalize its hostility toward the Nord Stream pipelines. The 18th package bans all transactions related to Nord Stream 1 and 2. Given that both pipelines were sabotaged in 2022 and remain inactive, this is more a symbolic gesture than a substantive move. The idea of future US-Russia cooperation on restoring the lines is also dead in the water, thanks to these new restrictions. The financial sector hasn't been left out either. More Russian banks have been removed from the SWIFT messaging system under Article 5h of Regulation 833/2014, bringing the total to 55. Transactions with these institutions inside EU jurisdiction are now prohibited. Again, this would have mattered in 2022. But by 2025, most affected banks are already under EU or US blocking sanctions. In practice, Western firms avoid them regardless. So this package is more about reinforcing old moves than breaking new ground. Interestingly, the EU has begun applying secondary financial sanctions, similar to Washington's model. Two small Chinese regional banks are now banned from doing business with the EU over ties to Russia's dual-use supply chains. The inclusion of India's Nayara Energy Limited – part-owned by Rosneft – is more notable. This sends a message to companies in Russia-friendly countries: continued involvement with Moscow's energy sector may come at a price. Whether that message lands remains to be seen. The US has wielded similar threats for years with mixed results. Many foreign firms still see Russia as a valuable market, and their calculations depend on risk versus reward. Export controls also feature heavily in the new package. Twenty-six new entities have been added to Annex IV of Regulation 833/2014, which bans them from supplying dual-use goods. Most are small intermediaries, easily replaced. The real damage from export bans was done in 2022 and 2023. There's little left to block that hasn't already been sanctioned. The 18th package includes vague language about tightening controls on re-exports via third countries, but how that will work in practice is unclear. Measure 18 addresses legal disputes, reaffirming the EU's refusal to recognize arbitration court decisions in sanctions-related cases involving Russia. But this is nothing new – it was already part of the 14th package. On the symbolic front, the EU continues to add companies and individuals to its asset freeze list under Regulation 269/2014. As expected, these include defense firms and manufacturers, as well as businesses from China and India accused of supplying Russia with industrial goods. Despite the bold rhetoric from Brussels, there is little in this package that fundamentally alters the landscape. The sanctions may chip away at certain areas, cause headaches for some businesses, and reinforce a hardline stance. But they will not achieve what the previous 17 packages have failed to do: break the backbone of the Russian economy. Russia is not what it was in early 2022. It has adjusted its logistics, diversified its markets, strengthened domestic production, and recalibrated its financial flows. The EU's 18th sanctions package is not insignificant, but to call it one of the 'toughest ever' is an overstatement rooted more in political theater than economic article was first published in Kommersant, and was translated and edited by the RT team.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store