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India's Classroom Crisis: Why Your Teacher Is So Clueless About Everything

India's Classroom Crisis: Why Your Teacher Is So Clueless About Everything

NDTV5 days ago
Why are we discussing the revised NCERT history books for schoolchildren? In all likelihood, most readers will not retain the new facts beyond the exam room. Fifteen years later, they would struggle to even spell Akbar or Aurangzeb. As for stirring the communal passions, bleak as it may sound, our children need no assistance from their textbooks for that. When 'education' - the whole eighteen-year stint with it for those with graduate degrees - fails to mark the student in even a rudimentary way, why even discuss its contents or philosophy?
I've spent the past month in my ancestral village, setting up a dream project. What I've encountered here, once again, is a paradoxical crisis - an education system so hollowed out that hope and despair now coexist in equal measure.
Teachers Who Can't Teach...
There's no shortage of applicants for teaching roles - many hold MA, MSc, and B.Ed degrees. And yet, subject knowledge is almost nonexistent. The degrees, in fact, seem inversely proportional to competence. Despite offering a competitive, scaled to match the local cost of living, it's nearly impossible to find a candidate who can explain concepts meant for 10-year-olds. Most arrive without even basic grooming or communication skills, something I'm willing to overlook if they exhibit even the slightest enthusiasm for the job. It's as if they've passed through their education years in a zombie-like state, absorbing nothing. One 26-year-old science graduate said mournfully, ' Humein toh ye sikhaya hi nahin gaya ' (Nobody taught us this). 'This' being the VIBGYOR: the seven colours of the visible light spectrum.
I find myself rejecting dozens of applications a week - young people whose aspirations outstrip their abilities. This is India's 'demographic dividend' disaster unfolding in real time: a generation credentialed but not educated, credentialed but not skilled. Many possess neither critical thinking nor usable handiwork skills.
...Make Students Who Can't Think
Socrates demanded that the educated citizen be one who could reason independently. Responding to the Athenian democracy on the brink of political decay, he prescribed not data or dogma, but dialectic: the ability to think. Today, India faces a widespread absence of education. And the failure lies where the future begins: in the classroom.
Teaching - the one profession tasked with cultivating the next generation of thinkers - has been reduced to a fallback job for the unemployable. The result is not merely disappointing examination scores or declining international rankings, but an epistemological crisis: a population that has not been taught how to think. Barring a few exceptions, most school classrooms in India are manned by underqualified, underpaid, and often semi-literate teachers who are, at best, unmotivated and, at worst, actively undermining the formation of young minds.
Why No One Has An Original Thought
A teacher is supposed to encourage students to engage the mind in a rigorous dialectic of ideas, to distinguish truth from half-truth, to interrogate, to analyse, and to discover - as the Greeks put it - the archai of thought, the deep principles of truth, goodness, and beauty. The land of sage-teachers like Dronacharya, Vashishtha, and Chanakya knows that education at its best stirs the soul toward these foundations. At its worst, it deadens the intellect. Today, the Indian schoolchild is often condemned to the latter. And this has been our tragic intergenerational bequest. 'I did not write anything even remotely related to the question paper in the exam room but still have 80% marks in all the subjects,' confided an old acquaintance who proudly flaunts his law degree.
Nathan Pusey, the legendary educationist who became the 24th president of Harvard University, once warned, 'In the eagerness of the developing nations to achieve health and plenty, there are urgent pressures at work to emphasise the material benefits of the university.' This is no longer abstract philosophy. Its consequences are seen in the young job applicant who cannot write a coherent sentence or frame an original thought.
Anything Goes
Education is not a luxury for the elite. It is the bedrock of national character. Societies are made - or unmade - by what happens in their classrooms. But how can one move to the philosophical goals of education, the capacity for judgment, for reason, for moral clarity, when even the rudimentary needs of literacy cannot be met there? In India, a silent catastrophe is unfolding today.
But what's most troubling is the apathy towards it. There's no public outrage, no reckoning. Education is seen not as a process of growth but as a transaction - degrees as passports to jobs. The actual learning, the life of the mind, seems irrelevant. Were it otherwise, we would see uprisings, not resignation. There is no simple fix. But we must begin by demanding more of our teachers - not merely in qualifications but in the spirit of education. Without teachers, for whom education isn't merely degree acquisition and teaching not the last shot at employment, no number of tablets, start-ups, or skill certifications will save us.
Amid eager schoolchildren waiting to be taught, I keep wondering: who will teach them, and what exactly will be taught? For now, I can only pray that they retain their spirit of enquiry for as long as they can hold on to it and not turn into zombies too soon.
(Nishtha Gautam is a Delhi-based journalist and author)
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Distortions, doublespeak and jizya: Whitewashing history, weaponising academia
Distortions, doublespeak and jizya: Whitewashing history, weaponising academia

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Distortions, doublespeak and jizya: Whitewashing history, weaponising academia

Real academic integrity lies not in defending invaders or denying civilisational trauma, but in projecting history as it is—unflinchingly, honestly, and fairly read more In the contemporary academic climate of Bharat, there has been a fast—and easy—way to success, whether on university panels, prime-time news shows, or within elite publishing circles. And it is not through rigorous research or balanced inquiry, but through ideological conformity to a post-colonial, Left-'liberal' consensus. This consensus views Bharat's civilisational heritage with suspicion, dismisses native resistance to invaders, and negationises historical atrocities—especially those committed in the name of Islam. Ruchika Sharma, a Delhi-based self-proclaimed historian and YouTuber, has recently emerged as the most visible face opposing the NCERT's 'revision' of history textbooks. Much like Audrey Truschke on the global stage—who tried to rehabilitate Aurangzeb as a misunderstood ruler—Sharma has gained sudden national prominence by dismissing historical Islamic violence, trivialising religiously motivated atrocities like jizya, and drawing false moral equivalences between native Hindu dynasties and foreign Islamic invaders. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Manufacturing Outrage The trigger for Sharma's recent media storm was her vocal opposition to the NCERT's revisions, particularly its explanation of jizya—a tax historically imposed on non-Muslims under Islamic rule. Sharma seemed outraged by the idea that jizya was used to pressure Hindus into conversion, branding the claim a 'baseless myth'. She even announced plans to file a Right to Information (RTI) request to challenge the educational content. Her stance is remarkable—not because it is new and ground-breaking, but because it's fictitious and fabricated. The Quran itself, in Surah At-Tawbah (9:29), mandates: 'Fight those who do not believe in Allah… until they pay the jizya with willing submission and feel themselves subdued.' This verse is not obscure; it is widely cited by classical Islamic jurists—including Imam Malik, Abu Hanifa, and Al-Shafi'i—as the foundational directive for the imposition of jizya. Importantly, the condition that the payer must feel 'subdued' was not metaphorical. In theology, jizya only lapses on death or on acceptance of Islam. Seized by the Collar Medieval Muslim scholars such as Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, Mulla Ahmad, and Shah Waliullah left little room for ambiguity. Sirhindi wrote: 'The real purpose of levying the jizya is to humiliate the non-Muslims… to such an extent that they may not be able to dress well or live in grandeur… and thus remain terrified and trembling.' Western scholars echoed the same. NP Aghnides, an authority on Islamic finance, wrote in Muhammadan Theories of Finance: '…the main object in levying the (jizya) tax is the subjection of the infidels to humiliation… the Zimmi is seized by the collar and vigorously shaken and pulled about in order to show him his degradation.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Mirat-i-Ahmadi, a history of Gujarat written by Ali Mohammed Khan, an imperial dewan at Ahmedabad, clearly explains how jizya should be collected: 'The collector of jizya should collect it from a zimmi in this manner: A zimmi should himself come to pay it. He should come on foot. The collector should sit while the zimmi should stand. The collector should place his hand over the hand of the zimmi saying, 'I take jizya, oh! Zimmi.' It should not be accepted when sent indirectly through his deputy…' Rulers like Firoz Shah Tughlaq and Aurangzeb openly used jizya to coerce conversions. In Fatuhat-i-Firoz Shahi, for instance, Tughlaq recounts: 'I encouraged my infidel subjects to embrace the religion of the Prophet… Every day Hindus presented themselves and were exonerated from the jizya upon converting.' Similarly, European traveller Niccolao Manucci observed of Aurangzeb: 'Many Hindus who were unable to pay jizya turned Muhammadan to obtain relief from the insults of the collectors… Aurangzeb rejoices.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Still, Dr Sharma sees nothing religious or discriminatory about jizya. Inventing False Equivalences The Leftist defence of jizya isn't an aberration. It's part of a larger pattern—a tendency to defend Islamist violence and vandalism, or, when indefensible, to dilute it through strained comparisons with Hindu rulers. This explains why some Leftist historians have made a career out of inventing the idea of an intolerant Hindu king—one who would destroy not only rival temples but also Buddhist viharas—based on dubious records and selective interpretation. Yes, Hindu kings went to war, and yes, violence was committed. But such acts were primarily political, directed against rival powers—not against entire religious communities as a matter of religious doctrine. By contrast, Islamic invaders and rulers—from Muhammad bin Qasim onwards—targeted Hindu religious institutions systematically and ideologically. Temple destruction was not a collateral consequence of war; it was often its central goal, sanctioned by theology and justified by the Islamic concept of kufr. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Sharma's narrative fits neatly into the dominant woke-Leftist framework that dominates humanities and social sciences departments across Bharat and the West, including in the capitalist United States. This worldview rests on four pillars: Downplaying Islamic imperialism; exaggerating caste-based, gender-based oppression within Hinduism; framing Bharat's civilisational resurgence as majoritarianism; and, treating any historical correction as 'saffronisation'. In this paradigm, those who defend Akbar, dismiss Hindu grievances, or mock textbook revisions are instantly celebrated as 'moderate voices of reason'. Meanwhile, those who point to inconvenient truths—like the religious basis of jizya or the genocide at Chittorgarh—are labelled 'communal', 'majoritarian', or 'unacademic'. Conclusion History is not mythology. It is not a tool to validate fashionable Leftist-wokeist ideologies, serve electoral agendas, or push secular façades. Nor should it be weaponised to shame an entire civilisation into silence. Ruchika Sharma has every right to file RTIs. But it is astonishing that she remains unaware of the overwhelming evidence already available—in the Quran, in Fatawa-i-Alamgiri, in the writings of Sirhindi, and in the policies of Aurangzeb and Firoz Tughlaq. Perhaps she is too blinded by ideology to see the truth. (This is not surprising given her adulation for Wendy Doniger and her book, The Hindu—a book so perversely biased that if a Hindu had written The Muslim with a similar tone, it would be instantly branded Islamophobic.) Or, perhaps she simply doesn't know the truth—which then raises serious questions about her credentials as a 'historian'. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Whatever the case, the time has come to free history from the suffocating hangover of the Leftist-wokeist cocktail. Real academic integrity lies not in defending invaders or denying civilisational trauma, but in projecting history as it is—unflinchingly, honestly, and fairly. Only then can one build a genuinely inclusive and truthful national narrative. The writer is the author of the book, 'Eminent Distorians: Twists and Truths in Bharat's History', published early this year by BluOne Ink publications. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.

Next chapter, India's military might. NCERT preparing module on Op Sindoor for classes 3-12
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According to officials in the government, the NCERT modules will be released in two parts. While part one will be for classes 3rd to 8th, part two will be taught to classes 9th to 12th. Each module is eight to ten pages. Initiated in the early hours of 7 May, Operation Sindoor involved military strikes by India against terror camps in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. The strikes were in response to the Pahalgam massacre. New Delhi: The National Council of Educational Research & Training (NCERT) is preparing special modules on Operation Sindoor for students of classes 3rd to 12th with an aim to make students aware about India's military power, sources confirmed to ThePrint. 'The aim is to make students aware of India's military power and how Pakistan was once again defeated. Through this module, students will also learn about Operation Sindoor and the strategic strength of our armed forces,' a senior official told ThePrint. NCERT is also preparing special modules as supplementary reading material for students, focusing on key national themes, ThePrint has learnt. The programme aims to 'make students aware of the country's achievements' and instill 'a sense of pride'. So far, 15 such modules have been released on themes including 'Viksit Bharat', 'Nari Shakti Vandan', 'G20', 'COVID-19', 'Bharat-mother of democracy', and 'Chandrayaan'. Along with Operation Sindoor, the NCERT is also preparing some other modules. 'The upcoming modules will be about Mission LiFE, the horrors of Partition, and India's rise as a space power—from Chandrayaan and Aditya-L1 to Subhanshu Shukla's presence on the International Space Station. The idea is to highlight the road ahead by showcasing the country's achievements,' said another government official. The NCERT has included events from recent history in textbooks. In the newly released Class 8 social science textbook, it has mentioned the 'surgical strike'—referring to India's 2016 military action across the Line of Control (LoC). The book also compares Maratha ruler Shivaji's attack on Mughal nobleman Shaista Khan to a 'modern-day surgical strike'. (Edited by Amrtansh Arora) Also Read: Centre's school education assessment flags learning gaps—Maths least favourite, govt schools lag behind

Army veterans laud NCERT's move to include Op Sindoor in school textbooks
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