An Advocate for Women of the Middle East — and Herself
As an example, women who seek divorces, even if they are in abusive marriages, risk losing custody of their children. In Lebanon, family law is governed by religious courts, and often favors fathers in custody disputes. 'I've had more than one friend who is being physically abused by her husband but is too afraid to leave for fear of never seeing her children again,' Ms. Abou-Habib said.
She also pointed to Lebanon's nationality law. Ms. Abou-Habib, 62, the director of the Asfari Institute for Civil Society and Citizenship at the American University of Beirut, where she also teaches, has made it her life's mission to change the 1925 law, which states that children's citizenship is based on the nationality of their father, even if their mother is Lebanese.
That means if a Lebanese woman marries a man from another country, their children are not considered Lebanese citizens, and must apply for legal residency. 'They will forever be viewed as aliens in the country of their mothers,' Ms. Abou-Habib said. 'They don't have the right to attend public schools, take a government job or vote.'
Ms. Abou-Habib has lived through the experience firsthand. Her husband is from a neighboring Arab country, and their Beirut-born daughter will never legally be a Lebanese citizen.
The Asfari Institute researches social justice movements in the region, including in Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt and Morocco, and connects activists with academia to collaborate on social change. It also regularly partners with U.N. Women on research projects.
For International Women's Day, the group planned to host a global conference at the university for women in the medical field, with the aim of motivating and helping young women to join the profession.
The following interview with Ms. Abou-Habib was conducted by phone and has been edited and condensed.
What are the biggest challenges of being a woman today in Lebanon and the Arab region?
Vulnerability to violence and sexual abuse. You can be sexually harassed at work, on the streets and at home. Yet, it's accepted, and women and girls are blamed if they are harassed or even raped. The absence of being able to take any legal recourse encourages the abuse.
What would you like to see change for women in the Arab region? Do you have specific goals?
I want to change the way societies in Arab countries view women. I want to see laws that uphold the dignity of women, particularly when it comes to marriage, divorce and being able to decide if they want to have children or not. They should also be free to choose what they want to wear.
How can these changes happen? What actions need to be taken?
They can only happen if the laws change, but people's mind-sets must also change, and the school curriculum needs to change. Right now, school textbooks in many Arab countries portray women in traditional roles of being housewives and in the kitchen. If textbooks show women in professional roles, such as doctors and scientists, the perception of women will change.
How has being public about your mission to reform nationality laws helped your cause?
I started speaking out in 2000 about nationality laws.
I organized a public demonstration in Beirut with sister feminist activists and women suffering from this injustice. We had local, regional and international media cover the demonstration. After that, the nationality law became a global issue. Future demonstrations were bigger and amplified our voices. The media interviewed us and embarrassed the politicians who upheld these laws. The media interviewed them as well and held them accountable for preventing women from having equal rights.
Gender inequality is strengthened by fear, taboos and a culture that blames the victims. The only way to break this is to go public and turn a personal injustice into a cause.
What policies have you helped accomplish so far to help women, and how have these policies made an impact?
This work has resulted in easing policies related to providing residency permits to children of Lebanese mothers who are married to non-Lebanese men. This has been critical to ensure that children of Lebanese women can safely and legally stay in Lebanon. In 2010, we had a minister of interior and municipalities, Ziyad Baroud, who issued a directive where non-Lebanese spouses and children of Lebanese women could get nonconditional residency permits in Lebanon.
After we started the campaign, many countries in the region, including Egypt, Algeria and Morocco, changed their laws in our favor.
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UPI
2 hours ago
- UPI
Five years after Beirut port blast, Lebanon clings to hope for Justice
Friends and relatives of the victims of the 2020 Beirut port blast carry portraits of their deceased relatives as they gather outside the port to commemorate Monday he fifth anniversary of the massive explosion there. At least 218 people were killed and and some 6,000 injured. Photo by Hamzeh Wael/EPA BEIRUT, Lebanon, Aug. 4 (UPI) -- Lebanon, long plagued by impunity and a lack of accountability, marked the fifth anniversary Monday of the Beirut port explosion that devastated large parts of the capital. The day brought cautious hope that truth and justice may finally be achieved. The investigation into the blast -- one of the largest non-nuclear explosions in history, which killed 218 people, wounded more than 6,000, and destroyed entire neighborhoods on Aug. 4, 2020 - is reportedly nearing completion after years of delay due to political interference. The painful memories of that day remain vivid, as victims' families have never stopped fighting to uncover what caused the massive explosion and who was responsible for the 2,750 tons of ammonium nitrate that had been improperly stored at the port for seven years before igniting. A separate investigation by the Lebanese Army and the FBI estimated that 500 to 600 tons of ammonium nitrate exploded at the port, raising questions about what happened to the remaining quantity. On Monday, the victims' families -- most of them dressed in white and black-- gathered again close to the blast site to mark the anniversary, carrying photos of their loved ones and holding placards that read: "August 4 is a crime, not an accident" and "Independent judiciary = just truth." They were joined by a large crowd, and for the first time, by several government ministers, including Minister of Justice Adel Nassar and Minister of Social Affairs Haneen Sayed, who lost her mother in the explosion. Lebanese President Joseph Aoun renewed his pledge Monday to uncover the "full truth," saying that "justice will not die" and that holding those responsible for this "great crime" accountable would be a top priority. "No one who contributed to this humanitarian disaster through negligence, failure or corruption would escape punishment," Aoun said in a statement. Aoun's election and the formation of a reformist government led by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, a renowned judge who headed the International Court of Justice at the time of his nomination last January, paved the way for the resumption of the port blast investigation. Judge Tarek Bitar, the lead investigator who was forced to halt his work three years ago due to political pressure, resumed proceedings earlier this year. He has since summoned additional high-ranking officials, including former ministers, political figures and security personnel for questioning regarding their failure to act on the dangerous storage of ammonium nitrate at the port. A former public prosecutor, Ghassan Oueidat, and a deputy in parliament, Ghazi Zuaiter, still refuse to be questioned. According to Cecile Roukoz, a lawyer whose brother, Joseph, was killed in the port explosion, Oueidat and Zuaiter are like "all politicians and people of influence, who are used to impunity -- to having protection and avoiding accountability." "They believe there will be a compromise in their favor, but the port explosion case will be different," Roukoz told UPI. After five years of "great pain," she said she believes those responsible will be brought to trial, justice will be served and the truth will finally be known. Others still have doubts. Ibrahim Hoteit, whose 46-year-old firefighter brother was killed in the explosion, said that truth and justice cannot be achieved unless the judiciary is fully independent and free from political influence. Hoteit argued that Judge Bitar has been "selective" in his approach, failing to summon all former suspected government, security, military and army intelligence officials for questioning. This, he added, has led to a division among the victims' families. "How would he close the investigation and issue his indictment if he hasn't questioned all those people?" he told UPI. The indictment should clarify not only who brought in and authorized the storage of the ammonium nitrate, but also who was smuggling it over the course of seven years, how it was used and what ultimately triggered the explosion. Despite facing threats and repeated attempts to obstruct his work over the past years, Bitar was determined to resume the investigation and is now close to concluding it, with plans to issue the indictment by year's end, according to a well-informed judicial source. The investigative judge, however, is still awaiting responses from seven Arab and European countries regarding "requests for assistance" related to "certain undisclosed information," according to Youssef Diab, a journalist who specializes in judicial affairs. Diab told UPI that Bitar is also seeking a French technical report that will determine whether samples taken from the port scene contain explosive materials other than ammonium nitrate, and if there is any trace of a missile or bomb. That would clarify whether the port blast was due to negligence, systemic corruption or possibly an Israeli strike, as suggested by witnesses and media reports at the time. 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Los Angeles Times
4 hours ago
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A father's grief and a nation's hope: Lebanon awaits justice 5 years after Beirut blast
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He hopes that some European suspects can be questioned about the shipment of ammonium nitrate and the vessel carrying it that ended up in the Beirut Port. Despite the malaise across much of Lebanon, Kayan Tlais, brother of port supervisor Mohammad Tlais who was killed in the blast, is hopeful that the indictment will see the light of day. 'We do have judges with integrity,' he said. 'The president, prime minister, and all those who came and were voted in do give us hope … they are all the right people in the right place.' The port and the surrounding Beirut neighborhoods appear functional again, but there are still scars. The mammoth grain silos withstood the force of the blast but later partly collapsed in 2022 after a series of fires. Culture Minister Ghassan Salameh Sunday classified them as historical monuments. There was no centralized effort by the cash-strapped Lebanese government to rebuild the surrounding neighborhoods. 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Newsweek
10 hours ago
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Five Years After the Beirut Port Explosion—Justice in the Courts Will Not Be Enough for Survivors
Advocates for ideas and draws conclusions based on the interpretation of facts and data. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. The Lebanese have never seen accountability for any of the country's gravest crimes. Justice—when pursued at all—is politicized, obstructed, and often denied. Five years since the Beirut explosion, this legacy of impunity has become a national sin that cannot be forgiven. As Lebanon and the broader region push to recover from war and atrocities, justice must lead the rebuilding of statehood and the rule of law. Law Without Accountability—A History of Failed Practice For decades, Lebanon's most consequential crimes have gone unpunished. Thirty-five years after the 1982 assassination of President Bachir Gemayel, Syrian Socialist National Party (SSNP) operatives Nabil al-Alam and Habib Shartouni were sentenced to death in absentia. Under Syrian protection, the verdicts were never enforced, and both remain at large. No criminal trial followed the 1983 bombing of the United States Embassy by Hezbollah's Islamic Jihad arm; some victims' families could only pursue civil lawsuits against Iran in U.S. courts. The 1989 assassination of Lebanese President René Mouawad also never reached court. Citizens from across the country rushed to Beirut, despite the COVID-19 pandemic, to clear the rubble, sort through the wreckage, and find the missing. Citizens from across the country rushed to Beirut, despite the COVID-19 pandemic, to clear the rubble, sort through the wreckage, and find the missing. Photo courtesy of Rita Kabalan This cycle of unchecked crimes was challenged after the 2005 assassination of Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. Lebanon pushed for the unprecedented United Nations-backed special tribunal for Lebanon (STL). Despite judicial innovation, 14 years of legal proceedings, and over $ 1 billion in funding (49 percent paid by Lebanon), the masterminds were never convicted. Only co-perpetrators Salim Ayyash, Hassan Merhi, and Hussein Oneissi were sentenced to five concurrent life terms. Hezbollah refused to surrender them, and Lebanon had no power to enforce the rulings. The subsequent assassinations and attempted political killings also never saw court. Political weaponization ensured that justice remained hostage to a system willing to destroy a country rather than establish and enforce criminal responsibility. Israeli Extrajudicial Enforcement—Impunity Expanded In this vacuum of accountability, Israel executed extrajudicial strikes in its war against Hezbollah. On July 30 and September 20, 2024, 1983 co-perpetrators Ibrahim Aqil (Hezbollah's Radwan Force commander and head of operations) and Fuad Shukr were killed by Israeli precision drone strikes in Haret Hreik, Southern Beirut. On November 9, Hariri assassination co-perpetrator Salim Ayyash was killed by an Israeli airstrike in Syria. By adopting a policy of assassinating assassins, Israel sought international legitimacy, and perhaps even the quiet approval of some Lebanese. The court of public opinion usurped the courts of law. But Israel's actions significantly undermined international law and further eroded Lebanese sovereignty and credibility. Lebanon lost its chance to set legal precedent against decades of heinous crimes. The Beirut explosion ripped through Lebanon's capital on Aug. 4, 2020, devastating homes, cultural sites, places of worship, and more. The Beirut explosion ripped through Lebanon's capital on Aug. 4, 2020, devastating homes, cultural sites, places of worship, and more. Photo courtesy of Rita Kabalan Israel is instead authoring a dangerous new rulebook, normalizing "might is right" as the region's arbiter of justice. Even with a president and government, Lebanon remains disempowered, stripped of agency and avenues for accountability. Beyond Lebanon, this threatens the broader Middle East, weakening international legal norms and inviting state and non-state actors to bypass rule-based governance. A Chance To Exit Lebanon's Judicial Purgatory Justice for the Beirut explosion must take a different path. In a recent meeting with the victims' families, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun said, "From now on, justice will take its course, the responsible will be tried, and the innocent will be exonerated. ... We must uncover the whole truth and hold accountable those who caused this catastrophe." Yet, formidable obstacles persist. Judge Tarek Bitar's mandate is under threat, the general prosecutor is abusing power and obstructing the investigation, suspects have been released without trial, elected officials are still shielded from prosecution, judicial summons are routinely defied, critical evidence remains uncollected, and inaction continues to evade accountability. On Aug. 8, 2020, thousands rallied in Beirut, demanding justice after the port explosion and protesting government negligence. Security forces responded with tear gas, rubber bullets, and pellet rounds, injuring over 700 protesters. On Aug. 8, 2020, thousands rallied in Beirut, demanding justice after the port explosion and protesting government negligence. Security forces responded with tear gas, rubber bullets, and pellet rounds, injuring over 700 protesters. Photo courtesy of Rita Kabalan Without urgent, comprehensive reforms—lifting immunities, restoring full judicial independence, ensuring trial, and enforcing sentences—Lebanon's pursuit of justice remains pending in purgatory. But victims' families and survivors cannot wait for justice to only begin after Lebanon's state institutions are reclaimed and reformed. Unlike past assassinations, one of the world's largest non-nuclear explosions was not a case of targeted killings. It was an act of criminal negligence, culpable omission, and gross dereliction of duty—implicating some of the highest levels of the Lebanese state, Hezbollah, and their allies. Legal proceedings alone cannot deliver justice, accountability, and reparations. A credible path to justice requires that Hezbollah disarm, relinquish control over state institutions, and surrender their economic stranglehold. Today, Lebanon, more than ever, needs judicial innovation, state fortitude, and moral courage. The country has a rare chance to reclaim its sovereignty and define justice on terms set by survivors and citizens, and not by geopolitical and non-state agendas. The international community bears an immense responsibility to help Lebanon seize this moment. Only then can the Lebanese claim justice and Lebanon reclaim itself. Lynn Zovighian is a philanthropist, humanitarian diplomat, and founder of the Zovighian Public Office, partnering with communities facing genocide and crises in the Middle East and South Caucasus through research, culture, and diplomacy. She is also co-founder of the Zovighian Partnership. The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.
