MoD proposes ‘ancient warfare' tableaux theme on R-Day
A letter from the defence ministry to the culture ministry details its choice, and says the idea came from defence minister Rajnath Singh.
'As discussed, Honble RRM (Raksha Rajya Mantri) suggested that during next year RD parade, a tableau containing military history showcasing original equipments, weapons, etc of popular and legendary personalities like Shivaji Maharaj, Ranapratap, Rani Laxmibai, etc may kindly be displayed in the main parade,' says the letter, which has been reviewed by Hindustan Times.
A culture ministry official said that the defence ministry has selected ancient military strategy as its central theme. 'The defence ministry sends us a proposal every year regarding their choice of theme . This year, they specified the ancient warfare concept and asked for 2-3 preliminary 3D sketches showing potential tableau designs. We aim to submit the formal proposal complete with these sketches later this month. If approved, detailed development will follow,' the official added, asking not to be named. To be sure, the defence ministry usually publicises its theme in November.
Recent themes include 'Swarnim Bharat: Virasat aur Vikas' (Golden India: Heritage and Development) for 2025, 'Viksit Bharat' (Developed India) and 'Bharat-Loktantra ki Matruka' (India – the mother of democracy) for 2024, and Jan Bhagidari (people's participation) for 2023. The defence ministry declined comment on a query regarding confirmation of the 2026 theme.
Interestingly, the Indian Army's 'Project Udbhav' (Origin), launched by Singh in 2023 aims to synthesize ancient Indian strategic wisdom with contemporary military practices, studying texts such as Chanakya's Arthashastra, Kamandaka's Nitisara, and Thiruvalluvar's Thirukkural, alongside historical military successes such as the tactics of the Ahom kingdom against the Mughals and the leadership of Chhatrapati Shivaji and Maharaja Ranjit Singh. Singh said during the launch that the objective is to forge a 'unique, culturally rooted approach to address modern security challenges by revisiting India's rich heritage of military thought.'
It is not clear whether the choice of theme has anything to do with India's success in Operation Sindoor, the Indian military's targetting of terrorist hubs and military facilities in Pakistan and Pakistan occupied Kashmir as a response to the April 22 terror strike carried out by Pakistan-sponsored terrorists in Pahalgam in which 26 people were killed. The culture ministry official declined comment on whether there was a link.
A primary task involves sourcing and safely integrating genuine historical weaponry, the official added. Descendants of families who crafted arms for figures such as Maharana Pratap possess preserved prototypes that could be utilized. 'We maintain access to a repository of such families who still safeguard these historical artefacts. Following approval of the design, we will engage them to provide appropriate pieces matching the final requirements,' the official said.
As the nodal ministry, the defence ministry manages the Republic Day tableau selection. States, union territories, and central ministries submit proposals aligned with the theme. An expert committee evaluates submissions based on criteria including creativity, conceptual clarity, visual impact, and theme adherence through multiple stages. Proposals typically require submission by November, with phased reviews of sketches and 3D models.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Hindu
24 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Mehbooba calls for joint efforts to release Indian nurse facing death penalty in Yemen
Former J&K Chief Minister and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) president Mehbooba Mufti on Thursday (July 10, 2025)called for joint efforts to have Nimisha Priya, facing death penalty in Yemen, released. Priya, an Indian nurse, is facing execution in Yemen on July 16. 'She was allegedly subjected to severe abuse, and in an attempt to defend herself, a man died. Nimisha now faces the death penalty. As per Yemeni law, clemency is possible only through blood money. I request S Jaishankar (External Affairs Minister) to intervene immediately,' Ms. Mufti said. She said, unfortunately, till now the required funds and diplomatic pressure are 'both inadequate'. 'Urgently appeal to everyone especially women to donate generously,' Ms. Mufti said.
Mint
30 minutes ago
- Mint
India revises proposed retaliatory duties against US over steel, aluminium tariffs in WTO
New Delhi, Jul 10 (PTI) India has revised its proposal to impose retaliatory duties under the WTO (World Trade Organisation) norms against the US over American tariffs on steel and aluminium in view of the further hike in duty by the Trump administration. The US first imposed 25 per cent tariffs on imports of aluminium, steel and derivative articles on March 12. Again, on June 3, the taxes were hiked to 50 per cent. "Without prejudice to its earlier notification to the Council for Trade in Goods and the Committee on Safeguards dated May 12, India reserves its right to adjust the products and tariff rates. This request is made in response to the increase in the tariff rate by the US from 25 per cent ad valorem to 50 per cent," the WTO has said in a communication on Wednesday. This was circulated among WTO members at the request of India. It said that the proposed suspension of concessions or other obligations can take the form of an increase in tariffs on selected products originating in the US. "The safeguard measures would affect USD 7.6 billion imports into the United States of the relevant products originating in India, on which the duty collection would be USD 3.82 billion," it said. Accordingly, India's proposed suspension of concessions would result in an equivalent amount of duty collected from products originating in America. In the May 12 communication, the duty collection figure was stated as USD 1.91 billion. The first Trump administration, in 2018, imposed a 25 per cent duty on certain steel items and a 10 per cent duty on aluminium products on the grounds of national security. In retaliation, India in June 2019 slapped customs duties on 28 US products, including almonds and walnuts. India had also filed a complaint in the WTO. The proposal assumes significance as both countries are negotiating a Bilateral Trade Agreement (BTA). The Indian team is also expected to visit Washington next week to the US for trade talks.
The Print
30 minutes ago
- The Print
India's language policy failed Hindi, not Stalin or Thackeray brothers
The Thackerays are young leaders on the political scene and hold influence in just one state. But what about the period before them? Right from the start, the language policy of independent India has been like a rudderless boat. There has been little correlation between avowed objectives and actual outcomes. Formally, Hindi is the 'official language' (Raj-bhasha), yet in practice, English has steadily expanded its dominance in all spheres. This happened not due to any non-Hindi leaders, but due to half-baked policies followed since Independence. At present, most debates are centered around criticism of the Thackeray brothers. A few weeks ago, the target was Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, MK Stalin. Meanwhile, there has been a blissful indifference toward examining India's language policy over the decades. What it aimed to achieve and what it actually did. Indian intellectuals—especially Hindus—seem perpetually engrossed in a quarrel over various issues, without a care for resolving them. On many issues, the same arguments have been heard for decades, while the situation remains stagnant or even deteriorates. The language policy is a case in point. Blame the policymakers In any case, the gradual displacement of all Indian languages, including Hindi, by English is not the handiwork of Tamil or Marathi politics. Few of us focus on this fundamental fact. Since the Constitution was drafted, all decisions in this domain have been made under the guidance of primarily Hindi-speaking leaders. They squarely failed to devise a policy to achieve what they wanted. Yet, the policies they framed were never scrutinised to assess their objectives and actual results. Curiously, Indian languages—including Hindi— flourished during the British rule. Many renowned poets, writers, scholars, thinkers, and scientists emerged during that period, sharing their work in different languages of the country. After Independence, this momentum first stalled and then reversed. All available data affirm this. The decline stems from the language policies of independent India. From the outset, these policies have been muddled and confusing. Blaming any one Indian leader or party is futile. The entire political and intellectual class has both caused—and, in turn, fallen victim to—this confusion. Worse, they've shown neither the ability nor the will to resolve it. Just as the proof of the pudding is in the eating, the test of policy lies in its outcome. Today, even in the smallest Indian towns, English is the language of upward mobility—of modern education, better employment, and commerce. Those who do not know English can still function as employees or administrators, but only up to a point. Anyone aspiring to develop his/her intellectual or creative capabilities—a basic human desire—hits a wall without it. Meanwhile, someone fluent in English and unable to write even a sentence in any Indian language faces no barrier to career advancement. Such a scenario, where native language proficiency is irrelevant to success, does not exist in any developed country in the world. Clearly, English is the real official language in India. Calling Hindi the Raj-bhasha has been more for political reasons, and an expensive farce. This very (useless) honour to Hindi is what draws the ire from Tamil, Marathi, and other leaders against Hindi imposition. Thus, Hindi suffers an unjust dual humiliation. In comparison, the British Raj followed a transparent and practical language policy. English was the language of governance—and only for the rulers, to serve their administrative needs. The large spheres of education and culture were left autonomous, with, by and large, no government interference. Subject experts in each Indian language designed curricula and study materials for their regions. The British never created or imposed any central 'education policy' or even uniform syllabi or textbooks. (Critics endlessly cite Macaulay's 1835 Minute, yet forget it was just a note of dissent, not a formal policy. Why does no one mention the 112 years that followed?) Apparently, broader educational, literary, and cultural activities remained in the hands of society. Social initiatives in education and culture had more free space. That is why, during colonial rule, Indian languages flourished in literature and cultural activity — because it was genuinely a domain of society, not the state. However, post-Independence, this began to unravel. The 'socialistic' government gradually annexed many social spheres to its domain. As a result of the policies formed after 1947, Hindi became a neglected patarani (Queen Consort)—ignored even by the king. Yet resented, mocked, and cursed daily by the other queens. Poor patarani has no choice but to suffer helplessly. Would it not be better to free her from the fake title of chief queen and make her an equal among other queens? At least then, she might receive their sisterly affection. Therefore, it would be both honest and beneficial to relieve Hindi of its false royal ('Raj-bhasha') ornament. Over time, she would find her true place. She would no longer be unfairly targeted by non-Hindi leaders and intellectuals. And she might regain the goodwill she once enjoyed during the British era. Also read: Not 'One Election', India needs a just election. Step one is an impartial EC The English and Hindi gap It's worth recalling that, during the colonial era, efforts to make Hindi a national working language were made mostly by non-Hindi leaders and intellectuals, such as MK Gandhi, C Rajagopalachari, KM Munshi, Rabindranath Tagore, and others. They recognised Hindi's potential and worth. But that was the situation when Hindi was just one Indian language among many, like Tamil or Kannada. English alone was the language of governance. It would be more in tune with reality if Hindi were restored to the same equal status among all Indian languages. Such a move would be both pragmatic and constructive. English continues to dominate unhindered in administration, education, and industry. It reflects, willy-nilly, in official pronouncements also. Just compare the Official Language Acts and Rules of 1963 and 1976 and the subsequent amendments in 1986, 2007, and 2011. They all reveal that no progress has been made in making the declared Raj-bhasha into an actual language of governance. Over the seven decades, the gap between English and Hindi has consistently widened. Making Hindi an equal among all Indian languages would save the enormous cost, time, and energy wasted in maintaining the illusion of an ornamental Raj-bhasha. Every competent employee or student knows that to truly understand any document, rules, communique, or textbook, it's best to consult the original English version. The Hindi translations are often so confusing or faulty that they only add to the muddle. They're done carelessly, precisely because they don't really matter—just ritual performances. (Which is ironic, considering that across the world, excellent translations are routinely produced in countless other languages) While academic work, serious publications, and quality reading materials across subjects, are all available only in English, not a single literary Hindi magazine with nationwide recognition has survived today. During the British rule and for a decade or two after Independence, several Hindi magazines held national presence and influence. Now, all of them are gone — even as the Hindi-speaking population, their education levels, and income have significantly grown. This proves a simple principle: when the demand for something dies or declines, so does its production and commerce. In the sphere of education, thought, and culture, it cannot happen without a supportive state policy. Therefore, it is better to revise the central language policy from 'also English' to 'English only'. It would be more truthful and stately. While the states should be vigorously encouraged to conduct all affairs in their respective state languages. Inter-state and centre-state communication must be in a language mutually agreed upon, based on mutual convenience, not through any central policy. Implementing such a policy would be no more painful than a necessary surgical operation on a wound. The patient suffers briefly but ultimately becomes healthy. Similarly, if there is genuine concern for Indian languages, every state must resolve to conduct all its work, including entire education (as even tiny European countries like Iceland do) in its own language. This will not only hugely benefit all talented students but also end the anti-Hindi politics and bitterness surrounding the language. Then, a spirit of equal belonging toward all Indian languages will naturally grow among all citizens. That will strengthen both our unity and ensure genuine federalism. Shankar Sharan is a columnist and professor of political science. He tweets @hesivh. Views are personal. (Edited by Ratan Priya)
