Democrats wrestle with how to conduct oversight as Trump officials crack down
WASHINGTON (AP) — Just hours after she pleaded not guilty to federal charges brought by the Trump administration, New Jersey Rep. LaMonica McIver was surrounded by dozens of supportive Democratic colleagues in the halls of the Capitol. The case, they argued, strikes at the heart of congressional power.
'If they can break LaMonica, they can break the House of Representatives,' said New York Rep. Yvette Clarke, chair of the Congressional Black Caucus.
Federal prosecutors allege that McIver interfered with law enforcement during a visit with two other House Democrats to an Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility in Newark, New Jersey. She calls the charges 'baseless.'
It's far from the only clash between congressional Democrats and the Republican administration as officials ramp up deportations of immigrants around the country.
Sen. Alex Padilla of California was forcibly removed by federal agents while attempting to speak at a news conference for Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem. At least six groups of House Democrats have recently been denied entry to ICE detention centers. In early June, federal agents entered the district office of Rep. Jerry Nadler, D-N.Y., and briefly detained a staffer.
Congressional Republicans have largely dismissed Democrats' behavior as inflammatory and inappropriate, and some have publicly supported the prosecution of McIver.
Often in the dark about the Trump administration's moves, congressional Democrats are wrestling with how to perform their oversight duties at a time of roiling tensions with the White House and new restrictions on lawmakers visiting federal facilities.
'We have the authority to conduct oversight business, and clearly, House Republicans are not doing that oversight here,' said New Jersey Rep. Rob Menendez, one of the House Democrats who went with McIver to the Newark ICE facility.
'It's our obligation to continue to do it on site at these detention facilities. And even if they don't want us to, we are going to continue to exert our right.'
Democrats confront a stark new reality
The prospect of facing charges for once routine oversight activity has alarmed many congressional Democrats who never expected to face criminal prosecution as elected officials. Lawmakers in both parties were also unnerved by the recent targeted shootings of two Minnesota lawmakers and the nation's tense political atmosphere.
'It's a moment that calls for personal courage of members of Congress,' said Rep. Summer Lee of Pennsylvania. 'I wish that we had more physical protection. I think that's one of those harsh realities that members of Congress who are not in leadership recognize: that oftentimes, we do this job at our own peril, and we do it anyway.'
The arrests and detentions of lawmakers have led some Democrats to take precautionary measures. Several have consulted with the House general counsel about their right to conduct oversight. Multiple lawmakers also sought personal legal counsel, while others have called for a review of congressional rules to provide greater protections.
'The Capitol Police are the security force for members of Congress. We need them to travel with us, to go to facilities and events that the president may have us arrested for,' said Rep. Jonathan Jackson of Illinois.
'There's not a lot of transparency'
As the minority party in the House, Democrats lack the subpoena power to force the White House to provide information. That's a problem, they say, because the Trump administration is unusually secretive about its actions.
'There's not a lot of transparency. From day to day, oftentimes, we're learning about what's happening at the same time as the rest of the nation,' said Rep. Lucy McBath, D-Ga., who led a prayer for McIver at the Capitol rally.
Democrats, to amplify their concerns, have turned to public letters, confronted officials at congressional hearings and digital and media outreach to try to create public pressure.
'We've been very successful when they come in before committees,' said Rep. Lauren Underwood of Illinois, who added that she believed the public inquiries have 'one hundred percent' resonated with voters.
Tapping into the information pipeline
Congressional Democrats say they often rely on local lawmakers, business leaders and advocates to be their eyes and ears on the ground.
A handful of Democrats say their best sources of information are across the political aisle, since Republicans typically have clearer lines of communication with the White House.
'I know who to call in Houston with the chamber. I think all of us do that,' said Texas Rep. Sylvia Garcia of how business leaders are keeping her updated.
Garcia said Democrats 'need to put more pressure' on leading figures in the agriculture, restaurant and hospitality sectors to take their concerns about the immigrant crackdown to Trump's White House.
'They're the ones he'll listen to. They're the ones who can add the pressure. He's not going to listen to me, a Democrat who was an impeachment manager, who is on the bottom of his list, if I'm on it at all,' Garcia said.
Rep. Jason Crow of Colorado, for instance, had a working relationship with a for-profit ICE facility in his district until DHS in February ended reports as part of an agency-wide policy change. A member of Crow's staff now regularly goes to the facility and waits, at times for hours, until staff at the Aurora facility respond to detailed questions posed by the office.
Democrats say 'real oversight' requires winning elections
Still, many House Democrats concede that they can conduct little of their desired oversight until they are back in the majority.
Rep. Marc Veasey, D-Texas, said that 'real oversight power and muscle' only comes 'when you have a gavel.'
'Nothing else matters. No rousing oratory, no tours, no speeches, no social media or entertainment, none of that stuff,' Veasey said. 'Because the thing that keeps Trump up at night more than anything else is the idea he's going to lose this House and there'll be real oversight pressure applied to him.'
___
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Miami Herald
11 minutes ago
- Miami Herald
Maryland Gov. Wes Moore's outreach to young men draws praise
BALTIMORE - Young men drifted away from the Democratic Party in the 2024 election, but some party leaders see Maryland Gov. Wes Moore as a model for how to bring them back. Moore, 46, an Army veteran and first-term governor, has asked his administration to find ways to better support young men and boys - groups he says are falling behind in education, economic mobility and mental health. "For him, it's not a show," said Young Democrats of America President Quentin Wathum-Ocama. He's "articulating a vision that shows young men … here's an opportunity for you to be a strong man, to be somebody who cares about their family, but also cares about community." Moore said Democrats need to stop treating young men as a voting bloc to recapture, and start treating them as people who need help. He cites his administration's focus on reducing incarceration and economic insecurity as part of that focus. "Once you're losing people in elections, that's not because you just started losing them," Moore said in an interview with The Baltimore Sun. "It's because you lost them a long time ago." Nationally, Democrats have begun exploring similar outreach. California Gov. Gavin Newsom launched a podcast, Utah Gov. Spencer Cox created a task force focused on the well-being of boys and men, and New York Democrats appear to have nominated 33-year-old Zohran Mamdani for New York City mayor, who ran a heavily social-media-based campaign. Multiple political analysts and Democratic leaders told The Sun that Moore's approach comes across as authentic, with policy ideas to back him up. But Republicans in Maryland question whether Moore's rhetoric has translated into measurable results. Democrats losing ground with young men Support for Democrats among young men fell sharply in 2024. Just 42% of men aged 18 to 29 voted Democratic, down from 56% in 2020, according to a Tufts University CIRCLE analysis. Political researcher John Della Volpe, who co-founded the "Speaking with American Men Project," says many young men see Democrats as weak and out of touch. He attributes Donald Trump's gains among this group more to personality than policy. Young men largely feel betrayed by institutions, Della Volpe said. That feeling started during the pandemic and has been coupled with economic anxiety. "It is deeply frustrating that so many young men still feel the same thing to this day," Moore said. A new model? In his February State of the State address, Moore highlighted rising incarceration and suicide rates among young men, along with declining college enrollment and workforce participation. He asked state agencies to propose targeted solutions - such as promoting entrepreneurship, homeownership and job reintegration after prison. These efforts build on earlier initiatives like mentorship programs, funding for county summer programs, a paid service year for high school graduates and mass pardons for low-level cannabis offenses. "It's not an election strategy for us," Moore said. "It's something we believe in." Sen. Cory McCray, a Baltimore Democrat, praised Moore's job training efforts as a way to give young men "exposure and access" to role models and tools for success. But Republicans remain skeptical. "A lot of things … with this administration, sounded real good," said Senate Minority Whip Justin Ready. But he said he hasn't seen "a lot of action" or concrete results. Ready said many of the policies Moore touts don't specifically target young men. Senate Minority Leader Steve Hershey added that Moore's "priorities seem to shift with political headlines," and said Marylanders deserve consistent, comprehensive leadership. Moore also faced pushback from Democrats who have not been universally supportive of some of the governor's recent actions, including policies they say could impact young men in the state. The governor recently vetoed a bill that would have created a commission to study reparations for descendants of enslaved people. Moore said he wanted policies that deliver results - not "another study." Is it working? Moore has positioned himself as a results-oriented leader, often distancing himself from what he calls "needless debate," which has helped people see him as a doer and addresses a common desire among younger people to change the status quo, Washington College associate professor Flavio Hickel said. In a speech in South Carolina this year, Moore called on his party to stop being the party of "no and slow." About 53% of 18- to 34-year-olds and 53% of men in Maryland approve of the job he's doing, according to a March Gonzales Poll, the most recent one available. Moore's life story - which he describes as growing up in an over-policed neighborhood, serving in the military, leading an anti-poverty organization and becoming Maryland's first Black governor - has also become part of his messaging pitch to young men. "We hold him up as an icon of what can be done, showing these young men that there is a place in our coalition for them," said Ilyse Hogue, co-founder of the American Men Project. A party leader in a traditional early primary state agrees. "He worked very hard for everything that he got," said New Hampshire Democratic Party Chair Raymond Buckley. "I think that connects with a lot of young folks that are going through some pretty anxious times." 2028 and beyond Although Moore told The Sun he is not running for president in 2028, he's held meetings with former Biden and Obama campaign advisers in South Carolina - a key primary state - and his name has appeared in early polls of potential Democratic contenders. Nationally, Democrats are testing new approaches to reach young men online. The party recently launched a podcast and has eased its social media tone. But Wathum-Ocama, the Young Democrats of America president, said Democrats need more than a "magic bullet." He described a party that needs authenticity. Ruben Amaya, president of the Young Democrats of Maryland and the third vice chair of the state party, said including young people in party messaging is critical. At age 21, Moore nominated him for state party leadership. Amaya, who's now 24, took the nomination as a symbol that Moore values young voices. "Our jobs are not to be pundits," Moore said about fellow politicians. "Your job is to actually care about the work, your job is to actually care about the people that you're hoping to serve." Copyright (C) 2025, Tribune Content Agency, LLC. Portions copyrighted by the respective providers.
Forbes
14 minutes ago
- Forbes
When Labor Meets AI: The Next Frontier In Workforce Economics
Industry engineer construction,using smart tablet,control automation robot arm machine intelligence ... More operation construction site,concept business industry 4.0,Artificial intelligence or AI,5G network Even in the mid-20th century, leaders understood that organized labor was not only a bargaining tool but a pillar of economic credibility. Addressing the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America Convention in 1956, Eleanor Roosevelt observed: Nearly seventy years later, her words echo with renewed relevance. As artificial intelligence accelerates in capability and adoption, the definition of work—and the institutions built to protect it—are entering uncharted territory. Labor unions, long a cornerstone of worker advocacy and financial leverage, now confront a systemic test: whether they can not only defend wages and conditions, but credibly guide the transition toward a machine-augmented economy whose disruptions are often invisible until they are irreversible. From their origins in the trades and industrial movements of the 19th century, unions gained influence by organizing workers around shared physical spaces, defined tasks, and predictable employment structures. Over the 20th century, these organizations grew into major political forces, channeling member dues into campaigns, legislation, and collective bargaining aimed at securing better wages, conditions, and protections. But technology has always tested the boundaries of labor. The disappearance of elevator operators—once a common union job—following the introduction of automated elevators in the mid-20th century serves as an early example of how technological efficiency can render once-essential roles obsolete. Today, artificial intelligence presents a far more expansive and systemic challenge. AI is not merely optimizing tasks; it is absorbing entire functions. From logistics to legal review, customer service to manufacturing, AI systems are increasingly performing duties once reserved for human workers, often at higher speeds and lower costs. world. During a conversation at Hamilton College in Upstate New York on April 3, former President Barack Obama remarked that only the most elite coders will be able to keep up with machine-generated code, signaling a broader trend: automation is no longer confined to repetitive tasks. It now threatens knowledge work and professional careers once thought immune to disruption. For unions, this evolution raises urgent questions. The traditional tools of organized labor—strikes, contract negotiations, grievance processes—were designed for human-centered workplaces. As algorithms replace decision-makers and predictive models supplant manual oversight, those tools are being tested. What does collective bargaining look like in a workplace run by artificial agents? How do you negotiate with a system that cannot respond to protest? Some unions are adapting. Contract language in select industries now includes clauses on algorithmic transparency, human review of AI decisions, and mandated re-skilling initiatives. Others are advocating for legislation that treats AI systems as subjects of labor law, requiring disclosure, audits, and ethical use standards akin to workplace safety regulations. In elections to come, we may see political contributions, once focused on wage floors and benefits, that are increasingly focused on supporting candidates who prioritize digital rights and AI governance. Still, many labor organizations remain caught in a reactive posture, confronting displacement after it has already occurred. Unlike prior technological waves, AI does not just replace physical tasks, it replicates judgment, analysis, and communication. Its spread is faster, its learning curve steeper, and its effects less visible until the disruption is complete. The future of organized labor may depend on its ability to reframe its role, not just as a protector of existing jobs, but as a steward of equitable transitions in a machine-augmented economy. Just as elevator operators once gave way to automation, today's workforce may need to accept that some roles will vanish. The question for unions is whether they can still shape what comes next. The German Model: IG Metall and Volkswagen A recent agreement between Volkswagen AG and IG Metall, one of the world's largest industrial unions, offers a roadmap for how labor organizations might not only adapt, but also influence the transformation. Finalized in December 2024 and titled Zukunft Volkswagen (Future Volkswagen), the agreement redefines union relevance in an age of automation. The deal includes a socially responsible workforce reduction of more than 35,000 positions across German plants by 2030. Rather than through layoffs, this reduction will be managed through early retirement, voluntary buyouts, and attrition. In return, Volkswagen committed to a job security guarantee through 2030 for remaining workers, even as automation and electric vehicle production reshape operational needs. The agreement also introduced flexible work models, redistributed development roles within the corporate network, and preserved core manufacturing functions across sites. The union's role extended beyond protection, it also helped co-design the structural transition, ensuring that workers had a voice in how technology would be integrated and labor reallocated. From a financial standpoint, the arrangement allows Volkswagen to realize €1.5 billion in annual labor cost savings while retaining production viability in Germany. It aligns with the company's goal to become the world's leading volume manufacturer of electric vehicles by 2030, without discarding its workforce. Implications for U.S. Labor While the U.S. legal and economic environment differs from Germany's, elements of the Volkswagen AG and IG Metall agreement offer instructive value for American unions navigating the AI era. Sectors including logistics, transportation, customer service, administrative support, and even healthcare are likely to become more vulnerable to automation-driven role reduction. In these fields, labor organizations might consider: From the steam engine to the microchip, labor unions have consistently recalibrated to meet changing conditions. AI represents a steeper curve, but not an insurmountable one. If unions can establish a role not only in defending existing positions but also in shaping the frameworks that govern new ones, it may help them continue to serve as key stakeholders in an evolving economic landscape. In this respect, they have an opportunity to reinforce the aspiration Roosevelt articulated: that collective strength, applied thoughtfully, can help align technological progress with broadly shared prosperity.
CBS News
15 minutes ago
- CBS News
Gov. Healey calls same-sex marriage and abortion access "non-negotiable" in Massachusetts
Ten years after the U.S. Supreme Court legalized same-sex marriage nationwide and three years after it overturned Roe v. Wade, Gov. Maura Healey said both topics are "non-negotiable" in Massachusetts and vowed to protect them. On the 10th anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court ruling legalizing same-sex marriage nationally, one of the nation's most prominent gay politicians, Healey, was asked if she thought that right was secure in the face of a movement among some Republican lawmakers at the state level to ask the court to reverse its position, a possibility mentioned by conservative Justices Thomas and Alito. "Non-issue here in Massachusetts" "It's a non-issue here in Massachusetts," she said. "Marriage is marriage, whether you're gay or not, and that's the law here. It's going to continue to be that way." Healey said the same about abortion rights in Massachusetts. "This is the third anniversary of the Supreme Court's decision overturning Roe v. Wade, and I'll also just say that abortion rights, abortion access, access to reproductive health care, is non-negotiable. In Massachusetts, we're going to continue to protect that right, continue to protect patients, providers and others who need that care," Healey said. Massachusetts energy costs In the meantime, Healey says she's intently focused on curbing the high cost of living in Massachusetts, most recently with legislation aimed at bringing down energy costs. "We need to get as much energy into the region as possible. I've been saying this for years, and I don't really care what form of energy that is, I just want more supply so that we can drive costs down," she says. Does that mean Healey is dropping her past opposition to new gas pipelines? "We already have gas coming in, and I support that. It's very important that we continue to build out solar, that we bring wind in. We need to do everything. There is a reason that the states, you know, the states in this country that are have the fastest growth in wind and solar, Texas, Louisiana, you know, so called red states, because this is where we need to go. Everybody needs energy. We're consuming so much energy now with our devices, with AI coming.... It's why I convened all the New England governors and the state of New York, along with the Canadian premiers recently, to have a discussion about how we can bring more energy into the region from Canada." Antisemitism in Massachusetts Healey also claimed she had "immediately" pressured officials at the Massachusetts Teachers Association to remove antisemitic material from a teacher "resource" section of their website when it became public a few months ago. "I had direct conversations with union officials asking them to remove that from the website. I've also said, because we've seen a rise in antisemitism around this country, and even incidents here in Massachusetts, there is no place for anti-Semitism. I don't tolerate it, and we all need to work together to speak out to denounce that kind of bigotry and hatred and racism and xenophobia in all forms." Healey also discussed tax policy, vowing to revisit raising the amount of wealth exempted from the estate tax and keep an eye on the impact of the income surtax on business. You can watch part one of our two-part interview with the governor here on-demand; join us next Sunday morning at 8:30 a.m. when Healey directly rebuts the criticisms of her potential Republican challengers in the 2026 election, on the Sunday edition of "Keller At Large."
