
'Ghar ke sher, global zero': Raghuram Rajan asks why India copies well but fails to lead in innovation like TikTok or Porsche
Raghuram Rajan
says that without becoming a
global innovation
leader, this achievement may hold little value. In a column published in ToI, Rajan, now a professor at the University of Chicago, argued that India has failed to create globally recognized product leaders, despite the size of its domestic market and extensive state support for businesses. He says India's corporate landscape is dominated by domestic giants who remain weak players on the global stage.
No global product icons from India
Rajan points out that India does not have a single company known worldwide for its products. 'We do not have one company that is known across the world for its products,' he writes. 'No Nintendo, Sony or Toyota. No Mercedes, Porsche or SAP.' He notes that even though India protects its car market with high tariffs, 'not one Indian car model has been sold in large quantities in the developed world.'
India's auto exports, Rajan observes, are limited to niche, price-sensitive regions. In contrast, countries like China have become global leaders in electric vehicles, batteries, and autonomous driving systems.
by Taboola
by Taboola
Sponsored Links
Sponsored Links
Promoted Links
Promoted Links
You May Like
These Photos Captured the Exact Wrong Moment
Lintmit.com
Read More
Undo
Riskless capitalism and state protection
According to Rajan, India's national champions operate in a system of 'riskless capitalism,' where state policies protect them from market pressures. 'Place a tariff on them,' he writes of foreign competitors, 'no matter how many Indian firms use imports as inputs.' He adds, 'If foreign direct investors like Walmart pose a threat, place regulatory restrictions on them' or initiate antitrust actions.
Rajan argues that this protection discourages companies from innovating or competing globally. 'As the domestic market grows larger, the problem gets worse,' he warns. 'Why innovate or go global,' he asks, 'when steady imitation is enough to keep domestic consumers satisfied?'
Live Events
Pharma and IT sectors also lag behind
Rajan says that even sectors with international reach, such as pharmaceuticals and software, have underperformed in innovation. Indian pharmaceutical firms have focused on generic drugs but not on developing original formulations. The software sector, which grew during the Y2K period, has yet to create globally dominant digital products.
'Where is the Indian TikTok, DeepSeek, ChatGPT, or even Fortnite?' Rajan writes. 'We have domestic versions of some of these, but they have no global footprint because they are largely imitative.'
Innovation held back by weak research ecosystem
Rajan identifies limited university research and weak commercialisation channels as major bottlenecks. He acknowledges that the newly launched Anusandhan National Research Foundation is a good step but says its resources 'need to be multiplied manifold.'
He says a more competitive domestic environment is essential. Reducing import tariffs, increasing foreign direct investment, and limiting monopolies could drive businesses to pursue innovation. He also calls for more research funding and fewer bureaucratic obstacles in higher education.
Innovation as a national security concern
Rajan stresses that innovation is not only tied to economic growth but also to national defense. 'As Ukraine demonstrates... we will need better, smarter equipment and tactics,' he writes. Rajan warns that without a shift toward innovation, India may fall short in both economic and strategic strength.
Call for a long-term innovation agenda
'If we are to grow rich as a nation before we grow old, we must increase GDP growth by innovating more,' Rajan writes. He concludes that becoming the world's third-largest economy is not enough. 'We must become one of the most innovative countries... As a collateral benefit, our firms will become household names globally.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Indian Express
10 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Trump 2.0 is upending US ties. De-coupling may be hard – de-risking is necessary
Sections of the Indian foreign policy community feel 'betrayed' by the Donald Trump administration, which has found unexpected affection for Rawalpindi, raised a host of tough demands on trade, and threatened additional tariffs on India because of its BRICS membership and continued purchase of Russian oil. It is, perhaps, a small consolation that India is not alone. America's neighbours and largest trading partners (Mexico and Canada) and its longstanding allies in Europe and Asia have even more reasons to feel betrayed. Most of these alliances date back to the end of World War II and have weathered multiple crises over the past eight decades. But as in life, so in international relations — nothing is forever. If change is the only constant, that moment of restructuring has now arrived for America's alliances and partnerships in Europe and Asia. As a non-ally, India is better prepared for change in America. The idea of 'strategic autonomy', long central to India's foreign policy, has been viewed with scepticism by India's Western partners. They have argued that India's near obsession with autonomy limits the scope for strategic cooperation with the US and Europe. But today, 'strategic autonomy' has become the new mantra among America's allies themselves. In his address to the British Parliament last week, French President Emmanuel Macron reflected on the implications of the unprecedented disruption unleashed by President Trump's second term. He underlined the need for deeper Franco-British cooperation to reduce what he called the 'dual dependency' on the US and China. Macron warned against Europe's excessive reliance on the two superpowers for economic, technological, and security needs, and emphasised the urgency of reclaiming European strategic autonomy. He called for stronger Franco-British collaboration on defence, climate action, migration and technological innovation, suggesting that only through unity can Europe effectively respond to global challenges and safeguard its interests. Although America's European allies bent over backwards to placate 'daddy' Trump at the NATO summit last month, they are shocked by the Trump administration's policies. If there were any lingering doubts, Trump dispelled them over the weekend by imposing a 30 per cent tariff on imports from the European Union, shattering hopes for compromise on trade. Trump has long regarded the EU as a bigger economic threat than China but few anticipated that transatlantic ties would deteriorate so sharply in his second term. Britain's Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, may lack the rhetorical flair of his French counterpart but he, too, is seeking to rebalance the 'special relationship' with the US against the geographic imperative of Europe. If Brexit a decade ago was about distancing from Europe and reconnecting with the Anglosphere, Starmer's Labour government is working to rebuild links with the Continent. Trump, despite his family origins in the UK, has little affection for Britain. His MAGA coalition looks down on its 'poorer cousins' in the British Isles. The story is no different in Asia, where two of America's staunchest allies are seething over Trump's actions. The announcement of 25 per cent tariffs on Japanese imports triggered rare outrage within Japan's political class, which has placed nearly all its strategic bets on the US since World War II. It was remarkable, therefore, to hear the Japanese PM declare that Tokyo must reduce its dependence on Washington. He made it clear that Japan would not offer 'easy concessions' or compromise its national interests in the face of US pressure. To be sure, Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba is in the midst of an upper house election campaign this week. But this is not mere campaign rhetoric. He stressed that Japan, as the largest foreign investor in the US and a major creator of American jobs, deserves different treatment from countries targeted by the tariffs. Despite months of negotiations, repeated diplomatic missions to Washington, and a pledge of $1 trillion in new investment, Ishiba's government could not persuade Trump to hold back, especially as the US President remained dissatisfied with Japan's market access for American rice and automobiles. Equally emphatic about strategic autonomy has been Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese. Few countries have been as close to Washington as Australia. Yet, in a major speech last week, Albanese insisted that being an ally does not mean being a blind follower. He described the US alliance as a 'pillar' of Australian foreign policy but argued that this partnership should not constrain Australia's sovereignty or decision-making. He called for an 'Australia first' approach — particularly relevant amid intensifying US-China rivalry in the Indo-Pacific. As it happens, Albanese is in China this week, stepping up efforts to engage Australia's Asian neighbours. The frustration among allies does not mean they can simply walk away from Washington. All America's partners have enormous stakes in sustaining their economic and technological ties with the US. Even more important, their security challenges would become far more demanding without American guarantees. If Europe must find new ways to defend itself against Russia, Asian allies must devise strategies to cope with Chinese power. America's Eurasian partners will not simply fold their hands — they will search for creative answers. In Europe, France and Britain are discussing better coordination of their nuclear weapons policies, while the EU is accelerating collective defence efforts. In Asia, the challenge is harder. Unlike in Europe, regional institutions remain underdeveloped, and the gap between China's power and that of its neighbours is vast. Yet, the logic of diversification is undeniable. We are already seeing Asian allies doing more with each other and engaging other actors, such as the EU. Some are beginning to reassess their engagement with China. At the same time, the depth of the US relationship is such that preventing a slide into outright rupture remains a top priority for allies in both Asia and Europe. As Macron told the British Parliament, Europe does not want to walk away from the US — but it must 'de-risk' ties by finding new partners and rebuilding its own capacities. India, for its part, is holding its nerve and continuing to engage Washington. As Delhi weighs the consequences of the Trump upheaval for Eurasia and the global order, it is worth recalling that India has managed many strategic surprises before: The Chinese 'betrayal' in 1962, Beijing's embrace of Pakistan, the Sino-Soviet split, the US-China entente in the 1970s, the Soviet collapse in 1991, the rise of a new economic order in the 1990s, and the Russia-China alignment in the 2000s. If external change is inevitable, Delhi's focus must be on managing it rather than bemoaning it. For now, India remains one of the few major US trade partners not yet notified of a new tariff level. Delhi has resumed trade talks with Washington this week and is eager to conclude one of its most ambitious negotiations before the August 1 deadline. But it must be prepared for failure. As Trump might remind us, the golden rule of any negotiation is the will to walk away. The writer is distinguished fellow at the Council for Strategic and Defence Research, Delhi, and contributing editor on international affairs for The Indian Express


Hans India
12 minutes ago
- Hans India
Trump again claims he ended India-Pak conflict
Washington: US President Donald Trump on Monday once again claimed credit for stopping a possible war between India and Pakistan. He said he helped reduce tensions between the two countries by using trade talks as pressure. Speaking about the India-Pakistan situation, Trump said, "We've been very successful in settling wars. You have India and Pakistan. You have Rwanda and the Congo -- that was going on for 30 years. India and Pakistan would have been a nuclear war within another week, the way that was going. That was going very badly, and we did that through trade. 'I said, 'we're not going to talk to you about trade unless you get this thing settled,' and they did, and they were both great, great leaders, and they were great.' Trump has made this claim several times before. However, the peace move began when Pakistan's DGMO contacted his Indian counterpart and requested a halt to all military actions -- on land, in the air, and at sea. The situation had worsened after a terror attack in Jammu and Kashmir's Anantnag district on April 22. The attack in Pahalgam, carried out by Pakistan-backed terrorists, killed 26 people. The incident happened during the visit of US Vice President JD Vance to India. In response, India launched Operation Sindoor on May 7. The Indian Air Force carried out targeted strikes on nine major terror hubs inside Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Pakistan tried to retaliate with drones and missile attacks on Indian cities, but all were intercepted by India's air defence systems. There was no damage or loss of life. As a strong warning, the Indian Air Force later struck 11 Pakistani airbases, including key ones like Nur Khan and Rahim Yar Khan.


Indian Express
14 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Missed demographic invasion in lower and middle Assam, won't let it repeat in upper Assam: Himanta's rationale for mass evictions
As eviction drives intensify in Assam, the state government on Tuesday said it has conducted evictions on 160 sq km of land affecting around 50,000 people in the last four years, with Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma saying that one of the aims is to stem 'demographic invasion' by 'people of one religion.' In the past month, the Assam government has conducted five major evictions across four districts in which at least 3,300 families have been removed from forest land, grazing land and government revenue land. On Wednesday, Sarma referred to 'land jihad' and said that 'an effort has started to change the demography of Upper Assam.' He said that ever since his government came to power in 2021, it has conducted evictions to clear over 1.19 lakh bighas of land. The highest area is of forest land at 84,743 bighas, VGR/PGR (grazing land) accounts for over 36,000 bighas, 'khas' or general government land is 26,713 bighas, and land belonging to religious institutions is 4,449 bighas. Saying that around 50,000 people have been evicted, Himanta added that district administrations have been tasked with striking off the affected individuals' names from the voter list of the place from which they were evicted. The aim, he said, is to 'protect Assamese constituencies.' 'They have their name in the (voter list of their) original village. You cannot have names in two places. Once they are evicted and the houses are gone, the DCs have to remove the names from the voter lists. Our job is to protect the Assamese constituency or the local indigenous constituency… Almost 50,000 people have been evicted so far, but their names will be there somewhere in the voter list in Assam. Their names will not be cut from the Assam voter list provided they are Indian or proper citizens, but the duplication will be cut off,' he said. He referred to an eviction drive held earlier this month in Lakhimpur district – an Upper Assam home to several tribal and ethnic Assamese communities like Mising, Deori and Tai Ahom – in which around 220 families were evicted. He claimed that of those, 64 were found to have migrated from Barpeta, 36 from Nagaon, and the rest from Goalpara, Cachar and South Salmara-Manckachar. 'A conspiracy had started to change the jonogathoni (demography) in Lakhimpur district, which we were able to stop… In the next 20 years, if Assamese people don't obstruct it, there will be encroachment wherever there is forest, and there will be no forest cover, and there will be demographic change. People from South Salmara can go to Bengal instead, where there is better income, and it is just 30-50 km away. But they are going 400 km away to Lakhimpur,' he said. 'After demographic invasion in Lower Assam and Middle Assam, today we are seeing the beginning of demographic invasion in Upper Assam. If we could have seen the demographic invasion of Lower Assam and Middle Assam in the beginning, we probably could have stopped it. But it has become irreversible. Today, a new move has started with Upper Assam. They will go to one constituency, and then to another constituency, and after 20 years, you will see that in every assembly constituency they have a voting of 40,000-45,000. Once they become a political force, the local leadership does not allow any eviction. And consequently, Assamese people lose their identity. We are doing whatever we can to prevent this,' he said.