
Senate committee moves bill to raise property tax on windmills
SB 439 brings back to life a bill sponsored last year byt then-Energy chair Randy Smith, R-Tucker. Smith is now Senate president and SB 439 is sponsored by current Energy chair Chris Rose, R-Monongalia.
Wind turbines and towers are currently considered pollution control facilities and taxed as personal property at salvage value — 5 % of the original cost based on 79 % of the full value of the property. That 5 % figure depreciates annually. The legislation originated in 2001 and was updated in 2007.
SB 439 would change that to tax wind turbines and towers and the attached components as real property. A fiscal note with last year's bill said it would produce $6.1 million in additional annual revenue: $1.8 million for the General Fund, $2.5 million to the county schools and $1.8 million to the county commissions.
Chris Hall representing Clear Way Energy — a developer and owner of wind, solar, battery and natural gas projects — stood to oppose the bill. He noted that Clear Way has ongoing contracts with such companies as Toyota and Google to supply green power.
Clear Way has 1 gigawatt of wind power in operation and development, he said, with three wind farms in Mineral and Grant Counties, with a total $2.2 billion in current and planned investments, generating $8 million in state and local tax and lease payments.
The company, he said, is planning an $800 million repowering project at its Mount Storm facility in Grant Counti, that will produce $60 million in county taxes over the life of project. The tear-down and rebuild plan will result in 54 fewer turbines. It has received wide community support.
Another $400 million investment is planned for 2026 in Grant and Tucker counties, he said.
"This legislation here would endanger both of those projects, " he said, and undercut the state's reputation for being a stable, reliable business partner.
Hall cautioned bill supporters about changing state policies to react to changes in federal policy that fluctuate form administration to administration.
Sen. Rupie Phillips, R-Logan, noted that many windmill components come from foreign sources. "The bulk of it's not made in America, we know it."
He also said that the tax break isn't offered for coal projects. "In energy, we need to be fair and this isn't fair." Why not put money toward reliable clean coal technology instead of intermittent wind projects ?
Sen. Craig Hart, R-Mingo, raised the issue of companies using wind power to meet their green ESG — environmental, social and governance — requirements.
Hall responded that the motivation isn't the real issue. "We're providing a type of energy that's in demand." These project provide job and tax revenue.
Hart countered that coal makes more jobs. But Hall responded that green companies are investing in current and former coal communities and both types of power can co-exist. "We need every job we can get in West Virginia." They can't stop renewables but they can drive the investment to other states.
Sen. Joey Garcia, D-Marion, the sole Democrat on the committee, opposed the bill, citing jobs. Coal provides many jobs, but, "when those jobs have left, who else is coming ?"
Sen. Glenn Jeffries, R-Putnam, also opposed it, saing West Virginia has touted itself as an all-of-the-above energy state. This bill could drive out more than $1.2 billion in investment. Businesses look for stability.
Some of the conversation hovered around the proportion of wind power in West Virginia and the PJM regional grid. PJM has public policy and fuel economics are driving a capacity shift. Its current fuel mix is 48.4 % natural gas, 22.1 % coal and 18.1 % nuclear. In ht elast half of 2024, wind made up just 3.14 % of its fuel mix.
But new PJM interconnection requests reflect the new greener consciousness: 40 % are solar — 2, 200 projects in queue, totaling 109, 397 megawatts. There are 180 wind projects in queue, totaling 22, 012.6 MW. And there are 50 natural gas projects in queue, totaling 7, 566 MW.
The committee approved the bill in a voice vote. It heads next to Finance, where it died last year.

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The Hill
an hour ago
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The Hill
an hour ago
- The Hill
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Boston Globe
an hour ago
- Boston Globe
The small episode this week that helps explain why people distrust Congress
The need for this legislation was shown by a Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up That backdrop made the Senate debate feel overdue. But to move further, Democrats needed to be on board. The legislation was originally dubbed the Advertisement The committee debate on Wednesday quickly turned combative with the main dispute rising between Republicans on the panel. Republican Senator Josh Hawley of Missouri quipped, 'I'm not a billionaire, unlike others on this committee.' Fellow Republican Senator Rick Scott of Florida, one of the chamber's wealthiest members who was seated next to him, shot back: 'I don't know when in this country it became a negative to make money. But somehow, if you've made money, you're supposedly — I think Senator Hawley suggests — you shouldn't be serving, because you might trade stocks. Advertisement 'Anybody want to be poor? I don't,' continued Scott. To many Americans, that's exactly the problem. Public service doesn't suffer from a shortage of wealthy members, it suffers from the perception that political access and information is being leveraged to enrich the already rich. Even in this moment of supposed reform, political calculation won out. To avoid a Trump veto, senators inserted a carve-out delaying the ban for presidents and vice presidents until after the 2028 election, effectively shielding Trump and JD Vance for now. The bill squeaked through committee on an 8‑7 vote, with Hawley the lone Republican supporting it along with Democrats. When Trump was asked about by reporters if he would sign it, he appeared open-minded. 'Well, I like it conceptually,' said Trump. 'I don't know about it. But I like it conceptually.' Hours later, Trump went on Truth Social to ridicule Hawley as a 'second-tier senator,' sending a clear signal that if it ended up on his desk the bill would end up in a veto. Advertisement What changed? Senate leadership is already signaling it's unlikely to ever bring the bill up for a floor vote. In the House, Florida Representative Anna Paulina Luna, a Republican, says she'll try to force a vote in September, but she's facing the same entrenched resistance that has killed past attempts at reform. The backdrop of wealth disparity only makes the spectacle more glaring. According to OpenSecrets, the median net worth of US senators is about $1.7 million, with some far richer: Scott is worth closer to $200 million, Virginia Democrat Mark Warner is worth $248 million, Kentucky Republican Mitch McConnell has $34 million, North Dakota Republican John Hoeven is worth around $60 million. More locally, Massachusetts Democrat Elizabeth Warren's estimated net worth is roughly $10 million, and Rhode Island Democrat Sheldon Whitehouse has close to double that. Compare that to the rest of America: The That asymmetry may drive a reason the public supports a ban by overwhelming margins. It could also just be the basic premise that elected leaders shouldn't get rich in office using insider information. This shouldn't be a hard sell. Instead, they may well punt and mock the lone Senate Republican willing to side with public opinion. Advertisement For those who believe Washington operates for insiders, this episode offers no rebuttal. A common-sense ethics reform, years in the making, popular across party lines, even grudgingly backed by Pelosi, got watered down, politicized, and left to die. And for what? James Pindell is a Globe political reporter who reports and analyzes American politics, especially in New England.