
As Trump targets birthright citizenship, the terrain is once again ‘women's bodies and sexuality'
One day after Donald Trump's inauguration, five pregnant immigrant women – led by an asylum seeker from Venezuela – sued over the president's executive order limiting automatic birthright citizenship, out of fear that their unborn children would be left stateless.
The case went before the supreme court, which sided with the Trump administration Friday by restricting the ability of federal judges to block the order.
The legal drama recalls a scene a century and a half earlier, when a different cohort of immigrant women went to the country's highest court to challenge a restrictive California law. In 1874, San Francisco officials detained 22 Chinese women at the port after declaring them 'lewd and debauched' – a condition that allowed for denial of entry.
The supreme court sided with the women and struck down the law, delivering the first victory to a Chinese litigant in the US. But its ruling also established the federal government's exclusive authority over immigration, paving the way for the passage of the Page Act of 1875, the first piece of federal legislation restricting immigration.
Trump's hardline immigration-enforcement strategy, which has focused on birthright citizenship and sparked a family-separation crisis, bears resemblance to the restrictive laws against Chinese women in the late 19th century, which historians say led to lasting demographic changes in Chinese American communities. Political campaigns of both eras, experts say, sought to stem the growth of immigrant populations by targeting women's bodies.
'What the Page Act, the Chinese Exclusion Act and birthright citizenship all have in common is the battle over who we deem admissible, as having a right to be here,' said Catherine Lee, an associate professor of sociology at Rutgers University whose research focuses on family reunification in American immigration. 'And the terrain on which we're having these discussions is women's bodies and women's sexuality.'
The Page Act denied entry of 'lewd' and 'immoral' women, ostensibly to curb prostitution. While sex workers of many nationalities immigrated to the US, experts say local authorities almost exclusively enforced the law against women of Chinese descent. More than curbing immigration, Lee said, the legislation set a standard for determining who was eligible for citizenship and for birthing future generations of Americans.
The law placed the burden of proof on Chinese women themselves, research shows. Before boarding a ship to the US, the women had to produce evidence of 'respectable' character by submitting a declaration of morality and undergoing extensive interrogations, character assessments and family background checks.
At the same time, doctors and health professionals smeared Chinese women as carriers of venereal diseases, Lee said. J Marion Sims, a prominent gynecologist who led the American Medical Association at the time, falsely declared that the arrival of Chinese women had caused a 'Chinese syphilis' epidemic.
Bill Hing, a law and migration studies professor at the University of San Francisco and author of Making and Remaking Asian America, said the Page Act was 'an evil way at controlling the population' to ensure that the Chinese American community wouldn't grow.
The law did drastically alter the demographics of the Chinese population. In 1870, Chinese men in the US outnumbered Chinese women by a ratio of 13 to 1. By 1880, just a half decade after the law's passage, that gap had nearly doubled, to 21 to 1.
One legacy of the Page Act, Hing said, was the formation of 'bachelor societies'. The de facto immigration ban against Chinese women made it virtually impossible for Chinese men to form families in the US, as anti-miscegenation laws forbade them from marrying women outside their race.
Today, Hing said, attempts to repeal birthright citizenship is another way of suppressing the development of immigrant populations. 'It falls right into the same intent of eliminating the ability of communities of color to expand,' he said.
Trump's January executive order, which would deny citizenship to US-born babies whose parents aren't citizens or green-card holders, employs a gendered line of argument similar to that of the Page Act, Lee said. (The government has lost every case so far about the executive order, as it directly contradicts the 14th amendment.)
In a 6-3 vote Friday, the supreme court ruled that lower courts could not impose nationwide bans against Trump's executive order limiting birthright citizenship. The ruling, which immigrant rights advocates say opens the door for a partial enforcement of the order, doesn't address the constitutionality of the order itself.
'Birthright citizenship assumes that women are having sex,' Lee said, 'and whether she's having sex with a lawful permanent resident or a citizen determines the status of her child.'
Congressional Republicans continue to employ gendered and racialized rhetoric in their attacks on birthright citizenship and so-called 'birth tourism', the practice of pregnant women traveling to the US specifically to give birth and secure citizenship for their children. Political and media attention on the latter issue has been disproportionately focused on Chinese nationals.
Last month, the Republican senator Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee introduced a bill that bans foreign nationals from 'buying' American citizenship. She called 'birth tourism' a 'multimillion-dollar industry' exploited by pregnant women from 'adversaries like communist China and Russia'.
Although the extent of 'birth tourism' is unknown, studies have shown that it comprises just a small portion of US-born Chinese infants. Many are born to US citizens or permanent residents, who form more than a majority of the foreign-born Chinese population. (A decade ago, Chinese 'birth tourists' accounted for just 1% of all Chinese tourists visiting the US.)
Virginia Loh-Hagan, co-executive director of the Asian American Education Project, said a long-lasting ramification of the Page Act is the 'exploitation, fetishization and dehumanization' of Asian women that has led to deadly hate crimes, such as the spree of shootings at three Asian-owned Atlanta spas in 2021.
'If immigrants in this country were denied the opportunity to build families and communities,' Loh-Hagan said, 'then they have less community strength, less voice and power in politics and governance of this country.'
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37 minutes ago
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Transgender pipo for US military dey 'in survival mode' as ban on dia service start
Afta 17 years for di US Army, Maj Kara Corcoran, 39, bin dey prepare to graduate from one ogbonge military leadership programme. But some complication dey. Two days bifor di ceremony, dem tell Kara say she gatz conform to male regulations, wey mean say she go wear man uniform and cut her long blonde hairwey she don dey grown since 2018 wen she tell di Army say she don dey identify as a woman. Di directive bin come from di Pentagon, and flow down through her chain of command for Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. "Nothing about me be man, but dem go force me to wear male uniform just so I go fit waka across di stage wit my mates," she tok, hours bifor di ceremony. "E no be my choice to cut my hair. I dey do am bicos I gatz do am." Kara na one of di several thousand transgender pipo wey dey affected by a ban, wey President Trump bin announce for January. Di ban prevent trans pipo from serving for any job for di US military. Di ban bifor Trump first term bin focus on new recruits and allow some exceptions, especially for di ones wey don already dey serve. But di 2025 policy remove almost all di exceptions. Official figures show say transgender pipo for di US armed forces dey, but oda estimates dey much higher, at about 10,000. Di new policy tok say pesin wey get history or diagnosis of gender dysphoria no dey compatible wit di high mental and physical standards necessary for military service. Gender dysphoria na wia pesin dey feel say dia gender dey different from di sex of dia birth. For im executive order, President Trump say "di Armed Forces don dey afflicted wit radical gender ideology" and say di policy go make sure say staff dey "free of medical conditions or physical defects wey fit require too much time lost from duty for necessary treatment or hospitalization". Di order also tok say "for man to say im be woman, and for im to need make odas honor dis falsehood, no dey consistent wit di humility and selflessness wey dey required from a service member". One poll for February dis year suggest say 58% of Americans "dey in favor of allowing openly transgender men and women to serve for di US military, but dis support don drop from 71% in 2019 and 66% in 2021". Critics don call di ban discriminatory and legal challenges don dey filed from serving transgender officers and human rights groups. Since February, di BBC don dey follow di lives of Maj Kara Corcoran and anoda officer for di Navy, Lt Rae Timberlake, as dem dey try manage di uncertainty of dia military careers. Dem share wetin dem think and feel in dia personal capacity, no be as tok-tok pipo for di US military or dia oda colleagues. A career in kwesion Kara don spend most of her adult life for di US Army. Her combat deployments include time for Afghanistan wia she bin serve as platoon leader and company commander, wen she bin dey live as man, bifor she transition. Since den, she say she don legally changed her name and gender and she dey use female pronouns. Transgender pipo bin dey disqualified from all jobs for di military until 2016, but over di past decade, as goments dey change, US policy dey also change. "For a long time, I keep silent," Kara tok. Wen she join di army in 2008, women bin no dey allowed for combat positions. Kara bin marry a woman and dem born children, although dia relationship later break down as she dey grapple wit her identity. Las las, she come out as a transgender woman for 2018 and start her hormonal and surgical transition. She say she bin get di support of her commanding officers, wey bin still dey work wit di previous set of guidelines, despite Trump's 2017 ban. She tell di BBC say di transition improve her ability to serve. "E don make me to dey more focused, more resilient," she tok. "Pipo get dis common misconception say transitioning na liability. For me, na di opposite." Now, as Trump latest policy come into effect, dem don tell Kara say if she no leave voluntarily, dem fit force her out of di service against her will through one process wey dem dey call involuntary separation. Involuntary separation na wen pesin dey discharged and dem no choose to comot by dia own freewill. E fit affect any service member, no be just pipo for combat roles. On top losing dia jobs, pipo fit also lose benefits like pensions, healthcare and disability provisions. Di Department of Defense say pesin wey comot involuntarily fit get only half of wetin dem for get if dem bin comot voluntarily - di difference fit be tens of thousands of dollars. Despite dis, Maj Kara Corcoran says she no wan walk away. "I no go separate voluntarily," she tok. "I go go thru di involuntary separation and wetin e look like and how horrific dem wan make am for me and oda service members." 'Di single dumbest phrase for military history' Odas like former US Navy Seal, Carl Higbie, dey support Trump ban. Carl now dey host one TV show for di conservative network Newsmax. E believe say transgender pipo no dey fit for service for di US military, as e tok say gender dysphoria fit require ongoing medical care and accommodations wey fit affect deployability. "You no fit dey take Ritalin [medicine wey dem dey use to treat ADHD] or some kind prescription medicine dem, and still be eligible service member for combat. Why you go dey on hormone therapy, wey we know say e dey get emotional effects sometimes?" e ask. Wen we ask am weda e think say biological women wey dey on hormonal medicines, like some treatment for menopause, dey fit to serve for di armed forces, e say: "I think say e get certain times wia we suppose dey more concern about killing bad guys dan making sure say we get gender quotas for a combat operation." Di ban on transgender service members na part of a broader shift for US military policy - Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, wey Trump bin appoint and who also be former army officer, don move to cancel diversity, equity, and inclusion programmes. "I think di single dumbest phrase for military history na 'our diversity is our strength'," Hegseth tok for one event for di Pentagon in February. And in April, e post on X say e don "proudly end" di Women, Peace and Security programme, wey be initiative to invite more women and girls to be part of conflict resolution. E call am a distraction from di ogbonge task of "war-fighting". A family wey go soon change Many bin don see dis policy shift coming. For di early hours of 6 November, wen Donald Trump secure im victory for di 2024 US presidential election, Lt Rae Timberlake make a decision. A non-binary navy officer, Rae join di Navy at di age of 17 and serve on top di nuclear-powered aircraft carrier USS Nimitz and also for di Middle East. Rae fall unda di trans umbrella bicos even though dem register dem as female for dia birth, dem no dey identify as either male or female, and dia pronouns na dem. Rae say coming out as non-binary in 2020 and transitioning, bin bring clarity to their identity. "Di moment I hear di word 'non-binary', I know say e fit me," dem tell di BBC. But wit di 2024 Trump victory, Rae feel say di clock don dey tick for dia career. Dem request to transfer from dia West Coast base, to a base closer to family for di east, wey go dey give dem support. Rae, dia wife and daughter move for di middle of school term, as dem hope say dia possible separation from di Navy don dey near. "E bin feel like di safest move for us, in case dem force me to leave di service," Rae tok. Dem add say dem no dey surprise by President Donald Trump executive order in January, or a memorandum from di Department of Defense di following month. Di memo tok say military bases must identify service members wey get or wey dey exhibit symptoms of gender dysphoria. Di final deadlines for pipo to come forward voluntarily na 6 June for active-duty personnel and 7 July for reserve and National Guard members. In May, di Department of Defense say 1,000 service personnel don identify diasef as trans, but dem neva update dat number since den. Di military get 30 days from di deadline to start involuntary separation proceedings. Di memo include a provision for pipo to be considered for a waiver on a case-by-case basis. One of di conditions include say di staff go be pesin wey "neva attempt to transition to any sex oda dan dia sex". By di time dem publish di memorandum, Rae don already take a new post for Maryland, and di family don dey adjust to dia new home. "Watching Rae lose dia career, e dey painful," dia wife, Lindsay, tok. "We dey in survival mode. We neva get time to connect as family. We just dey make hard choices." For Rae, di emotional cost dey high. Dem don decide say dem want more control ova di future, so dem don request to retire from di Navy, and by doing so dem don identify diasef for voluntary separation. Di application neva dey accepted yet, but Rae believe say e go dey accepted. Dem expect di financial implications to be substantial. As dem neva complete 20 years of service, Rae says dem fit forfeit eligibility for a military pension. Dem estimate say pension payments fit add up to about $2.5m ova di course of dia retirement. A legal and political battle Even though di Department of Defense say di ban go maintain consistent medical and readiness standards across di forces, opponents, argue say di policy dey target a vulnerable group unfairly. Three lawsuits don dey filed for court to challeng di legality. For one high-profile ruling, one federal judge bin block di ban temporarily, sake of concerns of weda e dey constitutional and suggest say e dey discriminate based on gender identity. However, for April, di Supreme Court lift di injunction, allowing di policy to move forward as litigation continues. Di legal back-and-forth don leave transgender service members for limbo. Job hunting for di civilian sector don dey tough for Rae. "I bin apply for one position wey get ova 800 applicants for one day," they tok, adding say civilian life go offer less security dan di Navy. "E dey competitive and daunting out dia." But dem say di next chapter na about not feeling "unda threat for who I be". Looking ahead Kara no self-identify by di 6 June deadline, so she dey wait now to see if di military go flag her for separation - di 30-day window mean say dat one suppose happen by 6 July. She go see wetin unfold from dia. Di US Department of Defense no gree give statement to di BBC but dem point to previous statements wey say dem dey committed to treating all service members wey di policy impact wit dignity and respect. One US defence official say di "characterization of service go dey honorable except wia di record of di service member otherwise warrant a lower characterization". For now Kara remain for her base for Fort Leavenworth but she dey prepared to leave wit little notice if she gatz to. She don turn her car into a mobile home wit one big power bank, cooking equipment, and a fold-out mattress. "On top I also get eight-gallon water tank. I fill am up, pump am wit air compressor, and I fit take shower out in di wild. At least I get somewia to live." Wen she graduate from di leadership programme wit distinction, after complying wit di male uniform and grooming standards, she say e bin "mean a lot, but how I take do am bin feel like say I dey erase my identity". "Dis na about pipo who don dedicate dia lives to service, now dem dey tell dem say dem no longer dey fit, not bicos of performance, but bicos of who dem be."


BreakingNews.ie
39 minutes ago
- BreakingNews.ie
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