Ukraine watches closely as Poland faces polarizing presidential run-off

Yahoo

30-05-2025

Poland's presidential race has never seen a first-round winner with so many reasons to worry, the far right so emboldened, and Ukraine so central to the campaign.
The June 1 run-off between Warsaw Mayor Rafal Trzaskowski of the ruling Civic Platform (PO) and Karol Nawrocki, backed by Law and Justice (PiS), will likely reshape not only Poland's domestic political balance but also its approach to Ukraine. And the clash will be tight: in a first-round that saw a record 67.3% turnout, Trzaskowski secured 31.4% of the vote and Nawrocki 29.5%.
Following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Poland emerged as one of Kyiv's staunchest allies – sending weapons, sheltering millions of refugees, and rallying Western support. But over time, political tensions, economic fatigue, and disputes over grain imports and historical memory have strained the relationship.
"These elections are crucial to Ukraine because they will either end the electoral cycle in Poland or open a new one,' Ukrainian political analyst Yevhen Mahda told the Kyiv Independent. 'And amid global turmoil, we need a stable, friendly Poland."
The first-round results have been described as a "yellow card" for the ruling coalition that has governed Poland since 2023 under Prime Minister Donald Tusk. If outgoing President Andrzej Duda is succeeded by Nawrocki, whom he endorsed, Civic Platform will face regular obstruction through presidential vetoes.
Although the Polish president holds limited executive power, he plays a key role in foreign affairs and serves as commander-in-chief of the armed forces. Polish presidents have historically been particularly active in shaping eastern policy.
"The past three years have shown that it is politicians who set the temperature of relations between our nations," said Zbigniew Parafianowicz, a journalist and author of "Poland at War," which examines Polish-Ukrainian policy at the outset of Russia's invasion.
"Neither candidate will work wonders for Ukraine, but Kyiv has good reason to pay close attention."
Traditionally divided between the pro-European liberal PO and the conservative nationalist PiS, Poland's political scene has long been vulnerable to populist and anti-establishment forces. This time, it was the far right that surged to unprecedented strength and could now determine the outcome.
Slawomir Mentzen, of the economically libertarian and socially conservative Confederation Party, came third with 14.8% of the vote. Although left-wing candidates Adrian Zandberg, Magdalena Biejat, and Joanna Senyszyn received a combined 10.2%, Mentzen is now widely seen as the election's kingmaker.
In a bid to win over Mentzen's electorate, both candidates agreed to be interviewed on his YouTube channel, and Nawrocki signed a list of demands he put forward. Hoping to capture some of those votes, Trzaskowski made a surprise visit to his pub, where they shared a beer.
"Pro-Russian narratives don't sell here, but anti-Ukrainian (ones) do."
Trzaskowski — a pro-European polyglot, son of a jazz musician, and senior figure in the Polish liberal establishment — faces a delicate balancing act: maintaining support from the center-left while reaching out to mostly young radical voters drawn to the Confederation. He has twice won the mayoral election in Warsaw but lost the presidential race in 2020 to Duda by just 2%, or 422,000 votes.
Mentzen has repeatedly criticized Poland's support for Ukraine, opposing military aid and refugee assistance while promoting a nationalist narrative that frames Ukrainians as economic and cultural threats. He conditioned his sympathies in the second round on a promise not to send Polish troops to Ukraine and to oppose Ukraine's NATO membership.
"There's a rise in anti-Ukrainian sentiment — not just on the far right, but also in the mainstream electorate," said political analyst and president of the Batory Foundation Edwin Bendyk. "It's driven by societal fatigue with the war next door, housing competition in big cities, and communication failures on both sides. Pro-Russian narratives don't sell here, but anti-Ukrainian (ones) do."
It remains so despite positive developments such as the resumption of the long-stalled exhumation process of victims of the Volyn Massacre in the Ukrainian village of Puznyky, marking a symbolic step forward in addressing painful chapters of shared history, or Poland's continued support of Kyiv's defense needs and arms transit.
Another far-right fringe politician, Grzegorz Braun who campaigned against what he called the "Ukrainization" of Poland, came fourth with 6.3% of the vote. The man who had earlier caused an international scandal by putting out Hanukkah candles with a fire extinguisher in the Polish Parliament, tore down a Ukrainian flag from the town hall in Bielsko-Biala during the campaign.
Nawrocki, previously a little-known director of the Institute of National Remembrance, openly embraced much of the far right's platform during the campaign. He pledged to lower taxes, reject what he called the EU's "sick" climate policies, and end what he described as Ukraine's "indecent" treatment of Poland. He is officially not a member of PiS and positions himself as an independent candidate, not responsible for the policies of the party led by Jaroslaw Kaczynski.
"Nawrocki is no Duda," said Bendyk. "He's a nationalist, not a conservative. His victory would likely slow Ukraine's integration with the West." Parafianowicz, in turn, called Nawrocki — who briefly met with Donald Trump during a U.S. visit — a "Trumpian politician" who will likely try to align with the former president's agenda. In a move unprecedented for the U.S., Trump sent his Director of Homeland Security Kristi Noem to support Nawrocki in the final days of the race.
"If the most pro-Ukrainian candidate calls Ukraine a 'buffer zone,' that's a clear sign something has gone wrong."
There have been ups and downs in Polish-Ukrainian relations since the start of the full-scale invasion – from the emotional embraces between Duda and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to mutual accusations and perceived insults. While the PiS-PO rivalry dominates Poland's brutal election campaign, it has no obvious impact on Ukraine policy — but that doesn't mean Kyiv isn't watching closely.
"If the most pro-Ukrainian candidate calls Ukraine a 'buffer zone,' that's a clear sign something has gone wrong," Ukrainian historian and publicist Wasyl Rasevych told the Kyiv Independent, referring to a term Trzaskowski used repeatedly during the campaign.
"Russian propaganda undermines EU unity and spreads instability in countries aiding Ukraine, and Poland may unwittingly be playing into that scenario," he added.
Ahead of the vote, Polish authorities uncovered a foreign-funded disinformation campaign on Facebook and cyberattacks targeting government parties. Officials suspect Russia, which is also blamed for a 2024 arson attack on Warsaw's Marywilska shopping center, viewing it as part of a wider hybrid warfare strategy to destabilize Ukraine's allies.
While Russian meddling is real, some argue its impact is overstated. "We've inflated the idea of 'Russian influence' so much," said Parafianowicz, "that we've lost sight of proportion." The true sources of discontent, he argues, lie in domestic politics on both sides of the border.
According to Parafianowicz, Polish political elites' disappointment with Zelensky is "an open secret." He cites the Ukrainian president's refusal to acknowledge that the missile that killed two Poles in Przewodow was Ukrainian and his remarks about Poland at the UN in 2023, as examples of what he sees as a growing disregard for Warsaw's leadership.
"Ukraine would welcome a winner who truly pursues deeper cooperation with the EU and Germany."
Despite these frictions, Poland and Ukraine remain strategic allies. Both Trzaskowski and Nawrocki have pledged to increase defense spending, strengthen the Polish military, maintain a hardline stance on the Belarusian border, and continue supporting Ukraine militarily.
But the key difference lies in their vision of international alliances — and their willingness to sideline Ukraine's interests.
"The Polish right is afraid of Ukrainian economic competition and Kyiv's political alignment with Berlin," said Rasevych. "Ukraine would welcome a winner who truly pursues deeper cooperation with the EU and Germany."
Trzaskowski appears to offer that option and promises to gain more leverage in the EU, together with heavyweight politicians such as Tusk or Polish hawkish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski. But with traditional alliances shaken by unpredictable Trump, no one can foresee which cards will turn out lucky.
"The idea that Poles and Ukrainians truly understand each other is a dangerous myth," Mahda said. "Ukraine needs both a Plan A and a Plan B — prepared for either Trzaskowski or Nawrocki, while staying focused on real issues in defense, energy, and the economy."
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