Latest news with #Polish-Ukrainian


Qatar Tribune
28-06-2025
- Politics
- Qatar Tribune
Zelensky awards Ukraine's Order of Liberty to Polish President Duda
dpa Kiev Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky awarded his country's Order of Liberty to outgoing Polish counterpart Andrzej Duda on Saturday during the latter's farewell visit to Kiev. The award honours Duda's 'significant personal merits' in strengthening Polish-Ukrainian cooperation and supporting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, a decree issued by the presidential administration in Kiev said. The meeting took place on Ukraine's Constitution Day. Duda's term of office ends on August 6, when he will be succeeded as Poland's president by populist Karol Nawrocki. Duda arrived in Kiev during the morning for an unannounced visit. Footage on his X account showed Duda being received by Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha and then, together with Zelensky, laying wreaths at a memorial site for Ukrainian soldiers killed fighting the ongoing Russian invasion. Duda has repeatedly visited Ukraine to demonstrate his solidarity with the country. The Polish news agency PAP quoted Sybiha's message of thanks to Duda on his social media, noting that he and the Polish people had always 'shown genuine solidarity with Ukraine.' Since the start of the full-scale Russian attack on its neighbour in February 2022, Poland has been one of Ukraine's most active supporters. The Rzeszów-Jasionka airport in south-eastern Poland and the railway line leading to the shared border are important transport routes for European and US military goods for Ukraine.
Yahoo
11-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Ukraine grants Poland permission to exhume 1939 war graves in Lviv
Ukraine has granted Poland permission to carry out exhumation work on the remains of Polish soldiers killed in 1939 and buried in the area of the former village of Zboiska, now part of the western city of Lviv, Ukraine's Culture Ministry announced on June 11. The renewed cooperation follows years of tension surrounding the treatment of war memorials and historical sites. Ukraine imposed a moratorium on exhumations in 2017 after several Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) monuments were destroyed in Poland. The moratorium effectively ended last April when Ukrainian and Polish researchers carried out joint exhumations of the Volyn massacre victims in Ukraine's Ternopil Oblast. The Culture Ministry said the latest decision is a further step in Polish-Ukrainian cooperation on sensitive historical issues and follows the work of the Joint Polish-Ukrainian Working Group on historical matters. "Ukraine confirms its readiness to continue search and exhumation work within the framework of the Joint Working Group," the ministry said in a statement. It added that the exhumations at Zboiska represent a continuation of efforts to address historical memory and reconciliation. The Zboiska site is believed to contain the remains of around 120 Polish soldiers who died fighting against Nazi German forces in 1939, Rzeczpospolita reported. The remains were first located in 2019, according to Polish officials. The Institute of National Remembrance of Poland (IPN) had submitted a formal request to excavate burial grounds in Zboiska and the nearby district of Pid Holoskom. The ministry also lauded the April exhumations in the former village of Puzhnyky in Ternopil Oblast as the first successful step of this new cooperation. Puzhnyky is associated with the 1945 killing of Polish civilians by the UPA during the Volyn massacres, one of the most painful and contentious chapters in Polish-Ukrainian history. In a reciprocal gesture, Ukraine has received Poland's approval to carry out its own search and exhumation activities in the Polish village of Yurechkova. Kyiv says it hopes such work can begin soon. The Culture Ministry emphasized that the progress reflects the constructive relationship between the two countries and their shared commitment to historical truth and dignity for the dead. "Joint remembrance and steps toward one another will unite our nations in the name of our shared European future," the statement said. In January, Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk called the agreement on exhumation efforts a "breakthrough," while officials in Warsaw warned that unresolved historical issues could influence Ukraine's aspirations to join the European Union and NATO. Read also: Volhynian Massacre — the Achilles heel of Ukrainian-Polish relations We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
Yahoo
06-06-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
EU tariffs on Ukrainian goods return after 3 years of war, complicating Kyiv's path to European integration
The European Union is set to reinstate tariffs on Ukrainian agricultural exports on June 6. This is the first time since Russia's full-scale invasion that the EU will not renew an agreement suspending trade barriers between Ukraine and Europe. The end of tariff-free trade comes amid mounting opposition to Ukrainian exports — and Ukraine's EU accession — from eastern European bloc members, including Poland and Hungary. While a transitional agreement will govern trade to the end of 2025, negotiations between Brussels and Ukraine for a more favorable long-term agreement began on June 2, according to European Pravda. The temporary arrangement from June 6 allows for more liberal trade than established under earlier rules. But tariffs will return in full starting in 2026 — unless talks in Brussels succeed in updating the pre-war framework. The talks will test the EU's ability to balance concerns from member states with Ukraine's closer integration into the trading bloc. Read also: Who is Nawrocki, Poland's new president, and what could his narrow victory mean for Polish-Ukrainian relations? The so-called Autonomous Trade Measures (ATMs) were introduced in June 2022 shortly after Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. They removed tariffs that applied to some Ukrainian agricultural goods under a 2016 trade agreement, including sugar, honey, wheat, and poultry. Along with "solidarity lanes," which established alternative logistics routes, the 2022 trade measures facilitated the export of Ukrainian agricultural goods by land, bypassing Ukrainian ports blockaded by Russia in the Black Sea. With maritime exports paralyzed, overland shipments to EU neighbors — especially to Poland, Romania, and Hungary — surged, provoking protests from local farmers who claimed Ukrainian goods were overwhelming markets and lowering prices. Although Brussels initially intervened to curb Ukrainian imports, Slovakia, Poland and Hungary applied unilateral bans on some Ukrainian goods in September 2023, citing national security issues but defying EU trade rules. The influx following the trade measures set to expire on June 6 has been touted as a sign of Ukraine's incompatibility with the EU. The issue was on the campaign agenda in the recent Polish presidential election, with both candidates voicing concerns over Ukrainian agricultural imports. According to Svitlana Taran, policy analyst at the Brussels-based European Policy Centre, the 2022 trade measures were not the main driver of the surge. "Politicians have accused ATMs as the primary reason for this situation, which is not the case," she told the Kyiv Independent. "This was an exceptional situation caused by the sudden collapse of Ukraine's main export routes. The influx was not caused by the removal of tariffs, but by Russia's invasion and blockade, and insufficient transport capacities. The suspension of tariffs was just one of the factors, and after Ukraine unblocked Black Sea channels, this situation was eased." European imports of Ukrainian products whose tariffs were lifted did initially spike to an unprecedented level of over 900 million euros, but then quickly declined. Imports of these goods are now generally higher than they were before the full-scale invasion, but not at unprecedented levels. "This example cannot be used to frighten EU farmers that it would be a normal situation if they open their markets to Ukrainian agriculture," Taran added. There is also little evidence that Ukrainian products affected prices in bordering countries. "We looked at (prices) for sugar and found no evidence," Stephan Cramon-Taubadel, chair of Agricultural Policy at the University of Gottingen, told the Kyiv Independent. "I currently have some preliminary results that show slightly depressed local prices for wheat in eastern Polish regions bordering Ukraine in parts of 2023 and 2024, but it's much less than it's made out to be, and something that the EU could easily compensate." Nevertheless, Brussels will not renew the ATMs following longstanding pressure from eastern European countries looking to appease the farmers' lobby. Read also: In wartime Ukraine, a university grows — and reclaims a space once reserved for the corrupt The reversion to pre-war rules is a step back for Ukraine's exporters. The EU has become a closer trading partner for Ukraine since the full-scale invasion began. Over 60% of Ukraine's exports now go to the EU, relative to about 40% before the war. Reverting to the pre-war rules may pose challenges to Ukrainian exporters, who have adapted to trade with fewer tariffs. "It's a challenge, because it's not something businesses were fully prepared for," Veronika Movchan, academic director at the Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting, told the Kyiv Independent. "Many hoped that the measures would continue, at least to some extent. I expect that some businesses made decisions based on the existing regime." The Ukrainian Agribusiness Club estimates that, in 2025, Ukraine will lose up to 1.1 billion euros ($1.2 billion) in foreign exchange earnings under the temporary measures, and 3.3 billion euros ($3.7 billion) next year if no agreement is reached. But there may even be barriers to reverting back to the 2016 trading rules, given the fraught politics surrounding the bans currently imposed by Poland, Hungary and Slovakia. "It's not even apparent that, when the free trade measures expire on Friday, these countries will lift the bans," said Movchan. "Some member states even imposed bans on goods that didn't have any barriers before the war, such as sunflower seeds and rapeseed." The episode highlights the potential for domestic politics within the EU and bilateral disputes to impede closer trade relations with Ukraine. It also demonstrates the opportunities for Russia to attempt to derail this process. "One thing we shouldn't underestimate is presumably largely Russian propaganda," Cramon-Taubadel said. "If we look at the channels from which some farmers are getting their information, there is much unsubstantiated fear-mongering claiming that imports from Ukraine are depressing prices." Read also: Controversial Russian literature prize sparks debate on separating culture from war crimes We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.


Newsweek
02-06-2025
- Politics
- Newsweek
Poland Election: Ukraine Skeptic Candidate Swings Surprise Victory
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Poland's relationship with Ukraine and the U.S. will become a new focus of the country's politics following the presidential election victory of right-wing nationalist Karol Nawrocki, a Warsaw-based political expert has told Newsweek. Why It Matters Sunday's election was being closely watched as a signifier of Poland's political direction including its approach to Polish-Ukrainian relations. Nawrocki, who was supported by the opposition Law and Justice (PiS) party, is said to adopt a "Trumpian" style of politics and during the campaign he visited the Oval Office where he was pictured with the U.S. president. U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem had urged Poles to elect him. Karol Nawrocki, presidential candidate for the Law and Justice Party, following the Polish presidential runoff election on June 1, 2025, in Warsaw, Poland. Karol Nawrocki, presidential candidate for the Law and Justice Party, following the Polish presidential runoff election on June 1, 2025, in Warsaw, Poland. Sean Gallup//Getty Images What To Know In Sunday's run-off, Nawrocki defeated his liberal rival, Warsaw Mayor Rafal Trzaskowski, according to Poland's National Election Commission, in a surprise turnaround from the first exit poll which indicated that Trzaskowski was ahead. Nawrocki got the support of President Donald Trump and he backs Warsaw's support for Ukraine against Russian aggression, but does not want to see Kyiv join NATO nor the EU. "Poland remains deeply divided," Piotr Buras, senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, told Newsweek on Monday. After all the votes were counted, Poland's electoral commission said Nawrocki had won 50.9 percent of the vote, compared with Trzaskowski's 49.1 percent. It was a switch from an exit poll at 9 p.m. Sunday that showed Trzaskowski ahead 50.3 percent to 49.7 percent, after which he declared a premature victory. Trzaskowski's campaign hinged on supporting Prime Minister Donald Tusk's democratic reforms. While Poland has a parliamentary system in which the president's authority is largely ceremonial, the head of state can veto legislation proposed by lawmakers. The president has a key role in foreign affairs and serves as commander-in-chief of the armed forces and Nawrocki is likely to continue to use his veto power to block Tusk's pro-EU program. The result is also likely also rejuvenate the conservative PiS opposition that lost power eighteen months ago as it eyes taking on Tusk's coalition in 2027 parliamentary elections. Buras, head of the ECFR's Warsaw office, told Newsweek that Warsaw's relations with the U.S. and Ukraine are likely to become subject to party political conflict. Buras said Nawrocki and the PiS will play the Trump or American card in domestic politics, criticizing Tusk's alleged abandoning of the trans-Atlantic partnership by siding with Poland's European allies. Nawrocki has struck an "anti-Ukrainian" sentiment on the campaign trail, reflecting his own convictions as the head of the Institute for National Remembrance which embraces nationalist historical narrative, he said. Both Poland's role as a promoter of a stronger EU defense policy and as an important actor in Ukraine's EU and NATO integration process could be seriously hampered given the changed domestic political context, added Buras. What People Are Saying Piotr Buras, senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations: "This election was a battle between two strong negative emotions—or 'projects fear' Between the rejection of the Tusk government and the fear of [a] PiS return to power." What Happens Next Nawrocki will succeed Andrzej Duda, a conservative whose second and final term ends on August 6. Poland's president serves for a five-year period and may be reelected once under the country's constitution. The U.S. has about 10,000 troops in Poland and Homeland Security Secretary Noem suggested military ties could deepen with Nawrocki as president. But Buras said Poland will enter a period of conflict and instability, with a weakened government in terms of legitimacy and ability to act. While a snap election is not likely this year, it could happen as early as 2026, Buras added.
Yahoo
30-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Ukraine watches closely as Poland faces polarizing presidential run-off
Poland's presidential race has never seen a first-round winner with so many reasons to worry, the far right so emboldened, and Ukraine so central to the campaign. The June 1 run-off between Warsaw Mayor Rafal Trzaskowski of the ruling Civic Platform (PO) and Karol Nawrocki, backed by Law and Justice (PiS), will likely reshape not only Poland's domestic political balance but also its approach to Ukraine. And the clash will be tight: in a first-round that saw a record 67.3% turnout, Trzaskowski secured 31.4% of the vote and Nawrocki 29.5%. Following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Poland emerged as one of Kyiv's staunchest allies – sending weapons, sheltering millions of refugees, and rallying Western support. But over time, political tensions, economic fatigue, and disputes over grain imports and historical memory have strained the relationship. "These elections are crucial to Ukraine because they will either end the electoral cycle in Poland or open a new one,' Ukrainian political analyst Yevhen Mahda told the Kyiv Independent. 'And amid global turmoil, we need a stable, friendly Poland." The first-round results have been described as a "yellow card" for the ruling coalition that has governed Poland since 2023 under Prime Minister Donald Tusk. If outgoing President Andrzej Duda is succeeded by Nawrocki, whom he endorsed, Civic Platform will face regular obstruction through presidential vetoes. Although the Polish president holds limited executive power, he plays a key role in foreign affairs and serves as commander-in-chief of the armed forces. Polish presidents have historically been particularly active in shaping eastern policy. "The past three years have shown that it is politicians who set the temperature of relations between our nations," said Zbigniew Parafianowicz, a journalist and author of "Poland at War," which examines Polish-Ukrainian policy at the outset of Russia's invasion. "Neither candidate will work wonders for Ukraine, but Kyiv has good reason to pay close attention." Traditionally divided between the pro-European liberal PO and the conservative nationalist PiS, Poland's political scene has long been vulnerable to populist and anti-establishment forces. This time, it was the far right that surged to unprecedented strength and could now determine the outcome. Slawomir Mentzen, of the economically libertarian and socially conservative Confederation Party, came third with 14.8% of the vote. Although left-wing candidates Adrian Zandberg, Magdalena Biejat, and Joanna Senyszyn received a combined 10.2%, Mentzen is now widely seen as the election's kingmaker. In a bid to win over Mentzen's electorate, both candidates agreed to be interviewed on his YouTube channel, and Nawrocki signed a list of demands he put forward. Hoping to capture some of those votes, Trzaskowski made a surprise visit to his pub, where they shared a beer. "Pro-Russian narratives don't sell here, but anti-Ukrainian (ones) do." Trzaskowski — a pro-European polyglot, son of a jazz musician, and senior figure in the Polish liberal establishment — faces a delicate balancing act: maintaining support from the center-left while reaching out to mostly young radical voters drawn to the Confederation. He has twice won the mayoral election in Warsaw but lost the presidential race in 2020 to Duda by just 2%, or 422,000 votes. Mentzen has repeatedly criticized Poland's support for Ukraine, opposing military aid and refugee assistance while promoting a nationalist narrative that frames Ukrainians as economic and cultural threats. He conditioned his sympathies in the second round on a promise not to send Polish troops to Ukraine and to oppose Ukraine's NATO membership. "There's a rise in anti-Ukrainian sentiment — not just on the far right, but also in the mainstream electorate," said political analyst and president of the Batory Foundation Edwin Bendyk. "It's driven by societal fatigue with the war next door, housing competition in big cities, and communication failures on both sides. Pro-Russian narratives don't sell here, but anti-Ukrainian (ones) do." It remains so despite positive developments such as the resumption of the long-stalled exhumation process of victims of the Volyn Massacre in the Ukrainian village of Puznyky, marking a symbolic step forward in addressing painful chapters of shared history, or Poland's continued support of Kyiv's defense needs and arms transit. Another far-right fringe politician, Grzegorz Braun who campaigned against what he called the "Ukrainization" of Poland, came fourth with 6.3% of the vote. The man who had earlier caused an international scandal by putting out Hanukkah candles with a fire extinguisher in the Polish Parliament, tore down a Ukrainian flag from the town hall in Bielsko-Biala during the campaign. Nawrocki, previously a little-known director of the Institute of National Remembrance, openly embraced much of the far right's platform during the campaign. He pledged to lower taxes, reject what he called the EU's "sick" climate policies, and end what he described as Ukraine's "indecent" treatment of Poland. He is officially not a member of PiS and positions himself as an independent candidate, not responsible for the policies of the party led by Jaroslaw Kaczynski. "Nawrocki is no Duda," said Bendyk. "He's a nationalist, not a conservative. His victory would likely slow Ukraine's integration with the West." Parafianowicz, in turn, called Nawrocki — who briefly met with Donald Trump during a U.S. visit — a "Trumpian politician" who will likely try to align with the former president's agenda. In a move unprecedented for the U.S., Trump sent his Director of Homeland Security Kristi Noem to support Nawrocki in the final days of the race. "If the most pro-Ukrainian candidate calls Ukraine a 'buffer zone,' that's a clear sign something has gone wrong." There have been ups and downs in Polish-Ukrainian relations since the start of the full-scale invasion – from the emotional embraces between Duda and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to mutual accusations and perceived insults. While the PiS-PO rivalry dominates Poland's brutal election campaign, it has no obvious impact on Ukraine policy — but that doesn't mean Kyiv isn't watching closely. "If the most pro-Ukrainian candidate calls Ukraine a 'buffer zone,' that's a clear sign something has gone wrong," Ukrainian historian and publicist Wasyl Rasevych told the Kyiv Independent, referring to a term Trzaskowski used repeatedly during the campaign. "Russian propaganda undermines EU unity and spreads instability in countries aiding Ukraine, and Poland may unwittingly be playing into that scenario," he added. Ahead of the vote, Polish authorities uncovered a foreign-funded disinformation campaign on Facebook and cyberattacks targeting government parties. Officials suspect Russia, which is also blamed for a 2024 arson attack on Warsaw's Marywilska shopping center, viewing it as part of a wider hybrid warfare strategy to destabilize Ukraine's allies. While Russian meddling is real, some argue its impact is overstated. "We've inflated the idea of 'Russian influence' so much," said Parafianowicz, "that we've lost sight of proportion." The true sources of discontent, he argues, lie in domestic politics on both sides of the border. According to Parafianowicz, Polish political elites' disappointment with Zelensky is "an open secret." He cites the Ukrainian president's refusal to acknowledge that the missile that killed two Poles in Przewodow was Ukrainian and his remarks about Poland at the UN in 2023, as examples of what he sees as a growing disregard for Warsaw's leadership. "Ukraine would welcome a winner who truly pursues deeper cooperation with the EU and Germany." Despite these frictions, Poland and Ukraine remain strategic allies. Both Trzaskowski and Nawrocki have pledged to increase defense spending, strengthen the Polish military, maintain a hardline stance on the Belarusian border, and continue supporting Ukraine militarily. But the key difference lies in their vision of international alliances — and their willingness to sideline Ukraine's interests. "The Polish right is afraid of Ukrainian economic competition and Kyiv's political alignment with Berlin," said Rasevych. "Ukraine would welcome a winner who truly pursues deeper cooperation with the EU and Germany." Trzaskowski appears to offer that option and promises to gain more leverage in the EU, together with heavyweight politicians such as Tusk or Polish hawkish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski. But with traditional alliances shaken by unpredictable Trump, no one can foresee which cards will turn out lucky. "The idea that Poles and Ukrainians truly understand each other is a dangerous myth," Mahda said. "Ukraine needs both a Plan A and a Plan B — prepared for either Trzaskowski or Nawrocki, while staying focused on real issues in defense, energy, and the economy." Read also: 'A serious crisis' — pro-Russian leader in Bosnia threatening peace in the Balkans We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.