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Bending to China, tilting to Pak: Is Trump taking US on Nixon course all over again?
(File) US President Richard Nixon and National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger stand on Air Force One during their voyage to China February 20, 1972. Reuters
US President Donald Trump has some uncanny similarities with Richard Nixon, the controversial former US president from the early 1970s. Both came from the Republican Party. Their presidencies were marred by scandals. While Nixon resigned to avoid impeachment over Watergate Scandal, Trump was twice-impeached but got relief from the Senate. There is one more connection: both looked vulnerable in dealing with China and pampered Pakistan.
In February 1972, Nixon's historic visit to China marked a monumental shift in US foreign policy. After more than two decades of hostility and frozen diplomatic ties, the trip symbolised the beginning of a new era in Sino-American relations.
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The decision, announced dramatically in July 1971, followed months of clandestine diplomacy, including National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger's covert visit to Beijing.
This rapprochement not only thawed icy relations but also recalibrated global geopolitics during the Cold War, wrote Dave Roos in History.
Nixon's intention was not only to normalise ties but also to play China and the Soviet Union against each other to America's strategic benefit—a move some analysts now interpret as the foundation of a triangular balance of power. By inviting China into the 'society of nations,' the Nixon administration hoped to gain leverage in its Vietnam negotiations and in its nuclear arms talks with Moscow.
Nixon and the Indo-Pak War
While Nixon's China outreach made global headlines, a lesser-known but equally significant aspect of his foreign policy was his administration's support for Pakistan during the 1971 Indo-Pakistani War. Despite an official US arms embargo, Nixon and Kissinger orchestrated a covert strategy to ensure that Pakistan received military aid through third-party nations like Jordan and Iran.
Declassified documents revealed how, shortly after hostilities broke out in December 1971, the Nixon administration moved to circumvent American restrictions to bolster Pakistan's defences. President Nixon reportedly approved the transfer of 17 fighter jets from Jordan to Pakistan, fearing that India's military success could destabilise the region and fragment Pakistan. Kissinger, in a private conversation, supported the idea of using allies like Iran to provide military aid, exposing the administration's strategic bias.
Realpolitik over principles
This tilt toward Pakistan came at a severe moral cost. As reports of genocidal violence by the Pakistani military against Bengali civilians in East Pakistan emerged, the Nixon administration maintained its silence. Internal opposition to the White House's stance was led by US officials on the ground, most notably Archer Blood, the Consul General in Dhaka.
In what became known as the 'Blood Telegram,' American diplomats stationed in East Pakistan condemned the US inaction as a 'moral bankruptcy' and called out the administration's alignment with a regime committing mass atrocities. Despite this, Nixon remained unwavering, viewing India as an ally of the Soviet Union and a threat to regional equilibrium.
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Echoes in the Trump era
Fast forward to the Trump presidency, there is a striking resemblance in the US foreign policy pattern — particularly in its dealings with China and Pakistan. While Trump's tone towards Beijing oscillated between confrontational and transactional, his administration maintained a peculiar softness on Pakistan, even after episodes of terror extremism that strained US-Pakistan ties.
Like Nixon, Trump appeared to favour strongman diplomacy, choosing pragmatic engagements with rival powers over value-driven alliances. Trump's strategic ambivalence echoed the Nixon-Kissinger realpolitik doctrine, where geopolitical advantages were pursued even at the cost of moral credibility.
The enemy of my enemy
Nixon's cold calculation — 'the enemy of my enemy is my friend' — was central to both his China and Pakistan policies. At the height of Sino-Soviet tensions, the US exploited the mistrust between the two communist giants to assert itself as the balancing power.
China, wary of Soviet aggression, found a temporary partner in Washington. Similarly, Pakistan served as a conduit for Nixon's secret diplomacy with Beijing, acting as a backchannel that paved the way for Kissinger's surprise visit in 1971, the piece in History said.
This triangulation approach, though successful in reorienting Cold War alliances, had ripple effects that would shape South Asian geopolitics for decades. It also laid the groundwork for a precedent where US foreign policy prioritised short-term strategic goals over long-term democratic values and human rights.
Spectacle and symbolism
Nixon understood the power of optics. His China visit was meticulously staged to convey a narrative of reconciliation and geopolitical vision. The handshake with Premier Zhou Enlai, which symbolised a dramatic reversal from the 1954 Geneva Conference snub, was broadcast globally and left an indelible imprint on public consciousness.
In contrast, his administration's behind-the-scenes manoeuvering during the 1971 Indo-Pak War was cloaked in secrecy and exposed only years later. These contrasting modes — public diplomacy with China versus covert militarism in South Asia — illustrate the dual nature of Nixon's foreign policy which is overt peacemaking paired with covert power plays.
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Legacy and lessons
The parallels between Nixon's maonoeuvres and recent American foreign policy under Trump serve as a cautionary tale. While strategic diplomacy can realign international relationships and strengthen national interests, it often comes at the expense of ethical considerations. Nixon's China gambit reshaped global diplomacy, but his support for Pakistan during a period of human rights abuses remains a stain on his legacy.
As the world becomes more divided with many powerful countries, some people are tempted to return to Nixon's strategy of playing major powers against each other. But the experience from the 1970s shows that strong and lasting partnerships can't be based only on quick deals or short-term benefits. A good foreign policy also needs to consider what is right and responsible.
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