&w=3840&q=100)
From Operation Vijay to Operation Sindoor: How India's military operations against Pakistan have evolved
A Pakistan Army soldier stands in front of damaged building after it was hit by an Indian strike in Muzaffarabad, in PoK on May 7. Reuters
In the early hours of May 7, 2025, India launched Operation Sindoor, a coordinated military strike targeting terror infrastructure deep inside Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK).
This tri-services mission — executed by the Indian Army, Air Force, and Navy — was the most extensive cross-border precision strike conducted by India since the Balakot airstrikes in 2019.
The operation was India's direct military response to the April 22 terror attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, in which 26 civilians were killed, including a serving Indian Navy officer and a Nepali national.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
The attackers were reportedly linked to the Pakistan-based terror outfit Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT).
Operation Sindoor was notable for its use of advanced long-range precision munitions, including the SCALP air-launched cruise missile, HAMMER guided bombs and loitering munitions.
The operation was reportedly launched after high-level security consultations and was monitored in real time by top military and political leadership.
India and Pakistan have fought four full-fledged wars and numerous skirmishes, standoffs and proxy confrontations since 1947.
In response to direct military threats and cross-border terrorism, India has launched a series of military operations over the decades, the most recent among them — Operation Sindoor — highlights India's evolving doctrine of precision and strategic restraint.
We take a look at a few of the major Indian military operations conducted against Pakistan since independence:
Indo-Pak War of 1947–48 (First Kashmir War)
Operation Gulmarg (1947–48) — by Pakistan
India's first military response to Pakistani aggression came shortly after independence when tribal militias and Pakistani regulars infiltrated Jammu and Kashmir in October 1947.
Codenamed Operation Gulmarg by Pakistan, this incursion prompted India to launch a military airlift of troops to Srinagar on October 27, 1947.
The ensuing conflict lasted until 1948 and ended with a UN-brokered ceasefire in January 1949. India retained about two-thirds of Jammu and Kashmir, Pakistan occupied the rest (now PoK).
Indo-Pak War of 1965
Operation Riddle (1965)
Operation Riddle was the Indian Navy's codename for its operations during the Indo-Pak War of 1965.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Tasked primarily with the defence of India's western coast, the operation involved naval deployments to deter Pakistani aggression. Although no major offensive was launched, this operation led to a strategic reassessment, resulting in a more assertive naval doctrine in subsequent years.
Operation Blaze (1965)
Conducted in August 1965, just prior to the full-scale war, Operation Blaze was a limited strike by Indian forces in the Kargil sector in response to Pakistani artillery shelling.
Indian troops successfully engaged and silenced Pakistani forward posts, establishing tactical dominance in parts of Ladakh. This action served as a prelude to the broader conflict that followed.
Pakistani codenames during Indo-Pak War of 1965
Operation Gibraltar: Infiltration by Pakistani soldiers disguised as locals to incite rebellion in Kashmir.
Operation Grand Slam: An attempt to capture the Akhnoor region to cut off Jammu.
The outcome was a stalemate with high casualties on both sides. It ended with the Tashkent Agreement (1966) mediated by the Soviet Union.
Indo-Pak War of 1971
Operation Cactus Lily (1971)
During the Indo-Pak war of 1971, which led to the creation of Bangladesh, the Indian Army launched Operation Cactus Lily on the western front. It complemented Operation Trident and Operation Python, which were major naval offensives. India successfully contained Pakistani advances in the west.
Operation Trident (1971)
Launched on December 4, 1971, Operation Trident was a surprise naval attack on the Karachi port by the Indian Navy. It marked the first time anti-ship missiles were used in combat in the region. Pakistani fuel reserves and naval assets were heavily damaged. December 4 is now Navy Day.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Operation Python (1971)
A follow-up to Operation Trident, Operation Python was executed on December 8, 1971, targeting remaining Pakistani naval facilities in Karachi. The operation further crippled Pakistan's maritime logistics and is remembered for its precision.
The outcome of the war led to the creation of Bangladesh. Pakistan suffered a humiliating defeat, with over 90,000 troops surrendering.
Operation Meghdoot (1984)
Although not directly a strike on Pakistan, Operation Meghdoot involved the Indian Army's preemptive occupation of the Siachen Glacier in April 1984, before Pakistan could assert control.
Indian army soldiers muster at the base camp after coming back from training at Siachen Glacier, October 4, 2003. File Image/Reuters
It remains the world's highest battlefield and a strategic stronghold. India gained control of Siachen, which it continues to hold.
Kargil War (1999)
Operation Vijay
Following the Pakistani Army's incursion into Indian territory in Kargil, Ladakh, India launched Operation Vijay in May 1999.
The Indian Army, with significant air support (under Operation Safed Sagar), successfully evicted infiltrators. It remains one of the most intense high-altitude warfare operations.
India recaptured key peaks and ridges. Over 500 Indian soldiers and an estimated 400-3,000 Pakistani soldiers reportedly died.
It was the first televised war in India and it also helped elevated the profile of the Indian armed forces.
Under Operation Safed Sagar, IAF's codename for air operations during Kargil conflict. It deployed Mirage-2000 jets to precision bomb enemy posts.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Operation Parakram (2001–2002)
Following the 2001 Indian Parliament attack, India launched Operation Parakram, a massive mobilisation of troops along the Pakistan border.
Although it stopped short of full-scale war, the 10-month-long standoff was one of the largest deployments since 1971.
Surgical strikes (2016) – Operation X
In response to the Uri terror attack where 19 Indian soldiers were killed, India conducted surgical strikes across the Line of Control on September 29, 2016, targeting launch pads used by Pakistan-based terrorists.
While unofficially referred to as Operation X by media, the operation showcased India's new doctrine of cross-border, targeted retaliation.
Paratroopers from the Indian Armed Forces crossed the LoC and struck targets within PoK.
Balakot Air Strikes (2019) – Operation Bandar
After the Pulwama terror attack, India carried out an airstrike deep inside Pakistan in Balakot on February 26, 2019.
Codenamed Operation Bandar, it marked the first airstrike across the international border since 1971 and was aimed at a Jaish-e-Mohammed training facility.
It was a response to Pulwama suicide bombing that killed 40 CRPF personnel. The objective was airstrikes on Jaish-e-Mohammed training camps in Balakot, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
Mirage 2000 aircraft dropped precision-guided munitions on the targets. The strike marked India's first air incursion into Pakistani territory since 1971.
Pakistan responded with an aerial skirmish on February 27, leading to IAF pilot Abhinandan Varthaman's capture and return.
India's military operations against Pakistan reflect a transition from conventional wars to precision-strike and hybrid doctrines.
From large-scale wars in 1947, 1965 and 1971, to targeted strikes like Operation Bandar and Operation Sindoor, the trajectory shows how India's counter-terrorism and deterrence strategies are evolving.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
With Operation Sindoor, India has reaffirmed its ability to conduct tri-service precision operations while managing escalation.
With inputs from agencies
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
India Today
41 minutes ago
- India Today
Is ULFA still a thorn in India's side?
On July 13, the separatist group United Liberation Front of Asom's (ULFA) Independent faction issued a press statement alleging a wave of drone attacks on four of their bases inside Myanmar at dawn that day. It claimed the strikes killed three of their top commanders, including Lieutenant General Nayan Medhi alias Nayan Asom. 19 have allegedly been killed and 19 more injured. The Paresh Baruah-led insurgent group blamed India for the strikes, but the Indian military has denied getting into claims and counter-claims, it is highly unusual for a rebel group like the ULFA-I to admit reverses because it affects the morale of its ranks. The more important question one needs to address, however, is how important or relevant the ULFA-I is anymore. Does it constitute a major threat to Indian security forces in the northeast?To answer this question, one needs to remember that a faction of the ULFA had already signed an agreement with the Centre and the Assam state government in December 2023. This was the pro-talks faction led by Arabinda Rajkhowa, and included most top leaders who had been handed over to India by Bangladesh after Sheikh Hasina took over as Prime Minister in January 2009. The Bangladesh crackdown left the ULFA with only bases in the deep hilly jungles of Myanmar's Sagaing region - bases in Bhutan had been earlier demolished in 2003 by the Royal Army in Operation All Clear, which the Indian Army Myanmar Army has occasionally responded to Indian pressure and nabbed some rebels. But it has never launched any major crackdown by the security forces in Bhutan or Bangladesh. This is partly because it's busy fighting many powerful insurgencies within the country, and partly because groups such as the ULFA are located in remote, hilly, somewhat inaccessible, jungle an Indian government that is committed to putting an end to insurgencies, be it in Kashmir, Maoist-affected areas, or the northeast, the denial of the Myanmar borderlands as a base is a high priority. It is in this context that the ULFA's Independent faction becomes Naga rebel factions like the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah) are trying to negotiate a final settlement with India — they have been going on since 1997. Only the NSCN's Khaplang faction remains hostile. But it's made up mostly of Burmese Nagas and focuses on controlling areas in the Naga Self-Administered Zone in Myanmar. The ULFA-Independent is based in those areas, along with some Meitei rebel groups of Manipur, with support from pitch for complete settlementThe Assam government under Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has already offered an olive branch to Paresh Baruah, even as he's made an agreement with the pro-talks faction. His approach and that of the Centre — where he has considerable influence — has been to bring all rebel factions into a fruitful dialogue. This approach brought all rebel factions of the Bodo tribe to the table and led to a comprehensive settlement in 2020. The ULFA-I is the only remaining major group in Assam left behind in the may argue that the group's strength has depleted a lot due to desertions and arrests, and a drop in recruitment. The surrender of its deputy commander-in-chief, Drishti Rajkhowa, in November 2020 was a severe blow; as was the recent arrest of another top commander, Rupam ULFA's appeal amongst Assamese youth is nowhere near what it was in the 1990s. Repeated splits in the organisation and loss of bases in Bhutan and Bangladesh have made it weaker than thus believe this is the right time to strike blows and redouble efforts to bring the ULFA-I to the table. This is consistent with the Centre's approach against the Maoist rebels in central India. The offer for talks made to Paresh Baruah remains valid, but since there is no ceasefire in place. Indian forces can strike whenever and wherever feasible. Strikes that lead to the loss of senior activists hurt a rebel faction, which already faces a dearth of experienced commanders, and may be a factor in initiating force or a renewed threat?The ULFA-I's effective fighting strength may not be in the thousands anymore, but the group cannot be taken lightly for two reasons: One, while it may lack the ability to attack security forces through ambushes like the Naga or Meitei rebel group, it is capable of sabotage operations, having launched attacks on oil storage depots and gas pipelines before. Since Assam has many critical infrastructure facilities like oil refineries in place, this threat cannot be taken with the regime change in neighbouring Bangladesh leading to the ouster of the India-friendly regime of Sheikh Hasina, the possibility of Paresh Baruah returning to revamp ULFA-I bases in the country cannot be ruled out. He has contacts in the Bangladesh intelligence community, anti-Indian political parties, and Pakistan's ISI, whose agents became active after Hasina's some in Indian security architecture may feel this is the right time to neutralise the ULFA-I, either by bringing Paresh Baruah to the table or by engineering large-scale desertions by demoralising the rank and Assembly polls are due in March-April next year. Any achievement on the insurgency front — starting talks or engineering large-scale surrenders — will help boost the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party in what is the pivotal state of India's northeast.(Subir Bhaumik is a former BBC and Reuters correspondent and author who has worked in Bangladesh as a senior editor with Ends(Views expressed in this opinion piece are those of the author)Must Watch
India Today
42 minutes ago
- India Today
How Trump's Bill is neither big nor beautiful for Indians in US
On America's 250th Independence Day on July 4, President Donald Trump signed the One Big Beautiful Bill (OBBB) into law, marking a seismic shift in the US' immigration laws, especially its healthcare policy. For over 2 million Indian immigrants in the US, this legislation threatens to curb access to critical healthcare just immigrants, this policy overhaul is also affecting millions of Americans, and is projected to strip health insurance from 17 million US few days before the megabill was signed into law Donald Trump had said, "We're cutting $1.7 trillion in this bill, and you're not gonna feel any of it. Your Medicaid is left alone. The only people losing Medicaid will be illegals and freeloaders. That's how it should be."But it's not just the illegal immigrants who are facing the brunt of Trump's bill. For the second-largest immigrant community in the US – Indians – the bill is neither big nor beautiful. It may even alter the way Indians view the American BIG BEAUTIFUL BILL MAY AFFECT FRESH GRADUATES Of the 2 million Indian immigrants (as per MEA's March 2025 data), over 4.2 lakh are Indian students, as per a US government immigrants on student visas in the US are not eligible for federal healthcare schemes such as Medicaid, and most rely on university-sponsored health insurance during their studies, a critical gap arises during the transition from student life to they graduate, their university coverage ends, leaving many without any health insurance while they search for jobs or begin Optional Practical Training (OPT).This transition period, which can vary from weeks to several months, often leaves graduates vulnerable to unexpected medical expenses. Since private insurance in the US is expensive, a source who studied at Rutgers University in New Jersey told India Today Digital that many go without coverage entirely during this only after securing employment that they gain access to employer-sponsored health schemes, which is often given after a three-month waiting period, the New Jersey-based source there was one way students on F1 visas could purchase plans through the ACA Marketplace (Obamacare) if they are lawfully present in the US, though do not qualify for its safety net will not be available after the Big Beautiful Bill is fully enforced by REFUGEES, LOW-INCOME GROUPS WILL HAVE NO SAFETY NET IN USA significant number of immigrants, particularly refugees and low-income groups directly depend on federal healthcare from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) suggest that asylum claims by Indian nationals increased from 6,000 in 2020 to 51,000 in 2023, an eightfold increase. For asylum seekers, reliance on Medicaid or emergency healthcare programmes is often their only the latest law may reduce the number of undocumented immigrants, these restrictions may reshape perceptions of the US as a land of interestingly, Indian immigrants in the US have a seemingly decent record when it comes to health to a November 2024 report by the Migration Policy Institute (MPI), Indians in the US had higher health insurance coverage rates compared to both the broader immigrant population and native-born Americans. The data revealed that in 2023, 4% of Indian immigrants were uninsured – a figure lower than the uninsured rates for the US-born population (6%) and the overall foreign-born population (18%).advertisementHowever, given that there are over 2 million Indian immigrants in the US, even a small percentage facing a lapse in coverage translates to tens of thousands left without a healthcare safety net. Estimates suggest that more than 80,000 Indians may fall into this vulnerable category. When fresh graduates – many of whom temporarily lose coverage after university – are added to this number, the figure would temporarily US has long grappled with some of the world's highest healthcare costs, where a single hospital stay can bankrupt families. Routine medical procedures carry price tags that would be unthinkable in other developed access to healthcare and maintaining health insurance is a necessity in there is still time before the full impact hits as the implementation of these policy changes is phased out, with some provisions, such as Medicaid work requirements, and Affordable Care Act subsidy restrictions, starting in January SUBSIDIES TO TAX CREDITS: WHAT THOUSANDS OF INDIANS WILL LOOSEUnder existing laws, legal immigrants, including Green Card holders, refugees, survivors of domestic violence, and those on work or student visas, have several ways to access healthcare Card holders (permanent residents), refugees, survivors of domestic violence, and professionals (such as H-1B visa holders) or students (F-1 visa) can enrol in health insurance plans through the Affordable Care Act (ACA) marketplace, commonly known as ACA platform allows individuals, families, and small businesses to compare and purchase health insurance policies.A key benefit of the ACA marketplace is the availability of premium tax credits (PTCs), which are federal subsidies designed to reduce monthly insurance costs for eligible enrollees. These credits make health coverage more affordable by lowering premium payments for qualified immigrants qualify for Medicaid also – the joint state-federal programme that provides health coverage to low-income individuals. Eligibility for Medicaid varies by immigrants aged 65 or older, or those with disabilities, become eligible for Medicare, the federal health insurance programme for seniors and certain disabled individuals. Medicare provides comprehensive coverage, though some beneficiaries may need to pay premiums for certain parts of the from this, many Indian immigrants, particularly H-1B professionals, rely on employer-sponsored insurance, which covers about half of all non-citizen immigrants, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation, a San Francisco-based non-profit Indian students on F-1 visas typically pay between $1,500 and $2,500 annually for mandatory university health plans, as reported by the Institute of International DOES ONE BIG BEAUTIFUL BILL CHANGE?The OBBB severely alters the existing provisions by narrowing eligibility for federal healthcare to Politico, the bill restricts healthcare access primarily to Green Card holders, Cuban and Haitian immigrants, and select Pacific Island major changes stand Medicaid will impose an 80-hour monthly work, volunteer, or schooling requirement starting in 2027, along with biannual eligibility checks that could disrupt coverage for vulnerable the bill bars non-citizens, including visa holders, from receiving ACA subsidies, forcing many to shoulder higher insurance families, including elderly parents and refugees, are also at risk of losing Medicaid coverage if they cannot meet the new work on H-1B visas who lack employer insurance, reportedly common among gig workers or contractors, may lose ACA subsidies, making coverage already paying steep premiums for university plans, could face even fewer to India Today Digital, Suhas Pratap, an H-1B visa holder and a senior cloud architect at a major tech firm in New Jersey said, "My wife and I pay nearly $27,000 annually in taxes. Yet this bill would classify us as undeserving of the same safety nets our taxes help fund. Tech companies lobby for more H-1B visas, yet lawmakers want to deny us basic healthcare protections. My premium would jump from $450 to over $1,200 monthly without subsidies."advertisementThe Washington Post said the verification process itself creates hurdles: "The way it works right now, consumers can go to and buy a subsidised plan But under the GOP changes, subsidies would be withheld until the state verifies eligibility."This delay could also leave many without coverage during emergency or critical full implementation of the healthcare laws looming less than two years away, they will certainly test whether the US remains a land of opportunity for millions of Indians who contribute billions to the American economy.- EndsTune In
New Indian Express
an hour ago
- New Indian Express
Influential Sunni cleric Kanthapuram cleric steps in to save Indian nurse facing execution in Yemen
KOZHIKODE: Influential Sunni Muslim cleric Kanthapuram A P Aboobacker Musliyar has stepped in and is making "all possible efforts" to save an Indian nurse facing execution in Yemen, as her scheduled execution draws near, informed sources said here on Monday. They said the 94-year-old Musliyar, who is officially known as Sheikh Abubakr Ahmad and holds the title of Grand Mufti of India, has held talks with religious authorities in Yemen, who are in contact with the family of Talal Abdo Mahdi, the Yemeni national she allegedly killed in 2017. Nimisha Priya, the nurse from Kerala, is facing execution on July 16 for the murder of Mahdi, her Yemeni business partner. Sources said negotiations regarding blood money have taken place, and the details were conveyed to the concerned parties in Kerala. However, there has been no official communication regarding the status of the negotiations. Under Shariah law, as applied in Yemen, blood money is a legally recognised financial compensation paid to the family of a person who has been killed. It is a legally sanctioned alternative to capital punishment in Islamic jurisprudence. Meanwhile, sources said that an office has been opened at Musliyar's headquarters here to facilitate the negotiations. Nimisha Priya, hailing from Palakkad district, was sentenced to death in 2020, and her final appeal was rejected in 2023. She is currently imprisoned in a jail in Sanaa, the capital of Yemen. Earlier in the day, the Centre informed the Supreme Court that the government could do "nothing much" in the case of the nurse facing execution on July 16. Attorney General R Venkataramani informed a bench of Justices Vikram Nath and Sandeep Mehta that the government was doing "utmost possible". "The Government of India is trying its best," Venkataramani said, "and has also engaged with some sheikhs who are very influential people there.
