
A masterclass in diplomacy
Over the past 18 months, Riyadh has quietly delivered a masterclass in diplomacy, steadily reshaping how Western capitals approach the Palestinian file. Under the leadership of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and the hands-on diplomacy of Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan, the Kingdom has pursued a strategy rooted in hard-nosed pragmatism: Washington's strategic umbrella over Israel will not fold under fiery speeches or social media storms. Rather than waste energy on theatrics, Saudi Arabia has opted for a patient, cumulative approach — chipping away at Israel's aura of effortless Western legitimacy until the political calculus inside G7 capitals begins to shift. It may feel slow to the impatient observer, but in a world that rewards persistence over noise, this is how real influence is built.
At the core of this approach is a sober understanding of limits, paired with precisely applied leverage. Saudi Arabia does not pretend it can strong-arm a superpower. Instead, it keeps oil markets steady and refrains from military theatrics — moves that earn quiet access where it matters most: in chancelleries, parliaments, and boardrooms that shape policy toward Israel. Critics mistake this restraint for timidity. In truth, it reflects a deeper wisdom: Decades of impulsive grandstanding have done little beyond plunging the region into chaos. Riyadh has learned that proportion, not provocation, delivers lasting results.
The coalition-building effort began in Paris, where France, seeking Middle East relevance, found its regional ballast in Saudi Arabia. London, responding to domestic outrage over Gaza, followed suit; Ottawa, wary of standing alone in the G7, came next. Each recognition of Palestine may be symbolic, but symbolism is precisely what has underpinned Israel's hard-won status as a normalized Western democracy. Every fracture in that image raises the long-term reputational cost of occupation and embeds it into Israeli strategic thinking.
This quiet momentum reflects the polling data: US support for Israel's Gaza operations has eroded sharply, especially among voters under 40. Demography is destiny. Riyadh is playing the long game — betting on time, not tantrums, to unwind Washington's old consensus. That consensus is already fraying on college campuses, in statehouses, and across ESG-conscious boardrooms. The tactic: maintain the spotlight on Gaza, deny any pretext for American disengagement, and let US voters begin to carry the moral and political weight.
The crown prince made the Kingdom's position unequivocal in his Shoura Council address: There will be no recognition of Israel without a viable Palestinian state. This is not a revival of 1973-style oil brinkmanship — which in today's world would simply accelerate Western diversification and slash Arab revenues. Instead, Riyadh keeps markets stable while freezing Israel's regional integration until it engages seriously with a two-state solution. That keeps global consumers comfortable — and Israel on edge.
Saudi diplomacy has achieved in 18 months what half a century of summitry and rhetoric failed to deliver.
Ali Shihabi
The promise of normalization remains on the table — but firmly behind a two-state gate. The Abraham Accords opened easy access to the Gulf. Saudi Arabia redrew that map. Sovereign capital, Red Sea connectivity, and cutting-edge partnerships are all within reach — but only post-settlement. The burden now shifts to Israel: It must explain to its own citizens why ideology should block a generational opportunity to transform from a garrison state to a regional player. When economic logic aligns with strategic necessity, ideology eventually yields.
One of the most consequential developments came when Saudi Arabia, alongside other Arab states, publicly called for Hamas to disarm and relinquish control of Gaza. This decisive step stripped Israel of a convenient excuse to delay its withdrawal and continue its campaign of collective punishment. By removing the justification of 'no partner for peace,' it undercut Israel's excuse to prolong military operations and war crimes under the guise of self-defense — reinforcing the international call for an end to occupation and the need for a political solution.
Those Muslim and Arab voices calling for boycotts, embargoes, or war have misread both history and the current moment. Power today lies in leverage applied at pressure points — not in slogans shouted from podiums. Saudi diplomacy has forced Western democracies, Israel's most critical club of supporters, to seriously reconsider the question of Palestinian statehood. It has achieved in 18 months what half a century of summitry and rhetoric failed to deliver. The task now is for other Arab capitals to reinforce this approach, consolidating influence rather than scattering it in performative gestures.
Yes, Israel retains a US veto — for now. But no veto can stop demographic shifts in swing states, the quiet pressure of British MPs attuned to their constituents, or the economic calculus of European firms navigating boycott risks. In time, Israel will face a stark choice: perpetual siege and growing isolation, or coexistence with a sovereign Palestinian neighbor. Saudi Arabia today holds the key to that door — and remains the only real diplomatic lifeline for Ramallah.
In the battlefields of 2025 — conference rooms, boardrooms, and social media feeds — the Kingdom advances quietly, methodically, and on its own terms. For those who value outcomes over optics, this is not caution. It is wisdom.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Arab News
an hour ago
- Arab News
Islamabad rejects Zelensky's ‘baseless' allegations of Pakistani nationals' involvement in Ukraine conflict
ISLAMABADA: Pakistan's foreign office on Tuesday rejected 'baseless and unfounded' allegations by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who said this week that his country was fighting 'mercenaries' from various states including China, Pakistan and parts of Africa. After visiting a frontline area in the northeastern Kharkiv region, Zelensky wrote on X on Monday that as per reports from his 'warriors,' mercenaries from China, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Pakistan, and African countries are participating in the war against Ukraine. Zelensky has previously accused Moscow of recruiting Chinese fighters for its war effort against Ukraine, charges Beijing denied, while North Korea has also reportedly provided thousands of its troops in Russia's Kursk region. 'The Government of Pakistan categorically rejects the baseless and unfounded allegations of the involvement of Pakistani nationals in the conflict in Ukraine,' the foreign office said in a statement. 'To date, Pakistan has not been formally approached by the Ukrainian authorities, nor has any verifiable evidence been presented to substantiate such claims.' It said the government will discuss the matter with Ukrainian authorities and seek clarification on Zelensky's statement. 'Pakistan reaffirms its commitment to the peaceful resolution of the Ukraine conflict through dialogue and diplomacy, in accordance with the principles of the UN Charter,' the foreign office concluded. Russia invaded Ukraine on Feb. 24, 2022, amid protests from Western governments and peace activists worldwide. Thousands have been killed on both sides since the conflict began and rages on, with Washington and other powers calling for an end to the fighting that has dealt setbacks to the global economy and developing countries. Pakistan has repeatedly called for de-escalation and cessation of hostilities between Russia and Ukraine ever since the war began. Pakistan has also welcomed talks between both countries and agreements on prisoner exchanges while raising alarm at the increasing surge in civilian casualties as the war continues. Islamabad has moved closer to Russia in recent months, signing trade and investment agreements with Moscow as it seeks to escape a prolonged economic crisis. Pakistan has avoided criticizing Russia for invading the eastern European country, calling instead for a peaceful resolution to the conflict.

Al Arabiya
2 hours ago
- Al Arabiya
Gaza war deepens Israel's internal divisions
As it drags on into its twenty-second month, Israel's war in Gaza has increasingly set friends and families against one another and sharpened existing political and cultural divides. Hostage families and peace activists are urging Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government to secure a ceasefire with Hamas and free the remaining captives abducted during the October 2023 attacks. Right-wing members of Netanyahu's cabinet, meanwhile, see the war as an opportunity to occupy and annex more Palestinian territory, despite mounting international criticism. The debate has fractured Israeli society, strained personal relationships, and eroded national unity at what many consider the country's moment of greatest need during its longest-ever war. 'As the war continues, we become more and more divided,' said Emanuel Yitzchak Levi, a 29-year-old poet, schoolteacher, and peace activist from Israel's religious left who attended a peace meeting in Tel Aviv's Dizengoff Square. 'It's really hard to keep being a friend, or family, a good son, a good brother to someone that's—from your point of view—supporting crimes against humanity,' he told AFP. 'And I think it's also hard for them to support me if they think I betrayed my own country.' As if to underscore the tension, a cyclist stopped to shout 'traitors' at the gathering, accusing activists of playing into Hamas's hands. No flowers Dvir Berko, a 36-year-old IT worker, paused his scooter journey through downtown Tel Aviv to offer a more measured critique of the peace activists' call for a ceasefire. Berko and others accused international bodies of exaggerating the threat of starvation in Gaza. He argued that Israel should withhold aid until the remaining 49 hostages are released. 'The Palestinian people, they're controlled by Hamas. Hamas takes their food. Hamas starts this war, and in every war that happens, bad things are going to happen. You're not going to send the other side flowers,' he said. 'So, if they open a war, they should realize and understand what's going to happen after they open the war.' Voices like Berko's reflect the deepening polarization in Israeli society since Hamas's October 2023 attacks, which left 1,219 people dead, according to Israeli authorities. Independent journalist Meron Rapoport, a former senior editor at the liberal daily Haaretz, told AFP that the divisions had been building long before the war. Hamas's attack initially triggered a wave of unity, but as the war dragged on and Israel's conduct came under international scrutiny, attitudes on the political right and left have hardened. Political motives 'The moment Hamas acted there was a coming together,' Rapoport said. 'Nearly everyone saw it as a just war. 'As the war went on, it has made people come to the conclusion that the central motivations are not military reasons but political ones.' According to a survey conducted between July 24 and 28 by the Institute for National Security Studies, involving 803 Jewish and 151 Arab respondents, Israelis narrowly blamed Hamas for delays in reaching a hostage release deal. Only 24 percent of Israeli Jews said they were distressed or 'very distressed' by the humanitarian situation in Gaza, where, according to UN-mandated reports, 'a famine is unfolding' and civilians are often killed while seeking food. Still, there is public support for the families of hostages. Many of them have accused Netanyahu of prolonging the war to protect his political standing. 'In Israel there's mandatory army service,' said Mika Almog, 50, an author and peace activist with the It's Time Coalition. 'So these soldiers are our children, and they are being sent to die in a false criminal war that is still going on for nothing other than political reasons.' In an open letter published Monday, 550 former top diplomats, military officers, and intelligence chiefs urged US President Donald Trump to tell Netanyahu that the military phase of the war is over and that a hostage deal must now be the priority. 'At first this war was a just war, a defensive war. But when we achieved all military objectives, this war ceased to be a just war,' said Ami Ayalon, former director of the Shin Bet internal security service. The conflict, he warned in an accompanying video, 'is leading the State of Israel to lose its security and identity.' His declaration, shared by the very figures who once prosecuted Israel's wars, echoed the message long carried by peace activists who have often protested against them. 'Awful period' Avi Ofer, a 70-year-old biblical archaeologist and peace campaigner from a kibbutz, wore a yellow ribbon marked with the war's duration—'667' days—at a Tel Aviv rally. 'This is the most awful period in my life,' he said, visibly emotional. 'Yes, Hamas are war criminals. We know what they do. The war was justified at first. At the beginning it was not a genocide.' Few Israelis use the word 'genocide,' but many are aware that the International Court of Justice is considering whether Israel has breached the Genocide Convention in Gaza. While only a minority voice concern over the humanitarian toll, many Israelis worry the war could turn their country into an international pariah—and that their conscripted children may one day be treated as war crimes suspects abroad. Israel and Netanyahu, with US support, have firmly rejected the ICJ case in The Hague.


Arab News
2 hours ago
- Arab News
Modi and Trump once called each other good friends. Now the US-India relationship is getting bumpy
NEW DELHI: The men shared bear hugs, showered praise on each other and made appearances side by side at stadium rallies — a big optics boost for two populist leaders with ideological similarities. Each called the other a good India, the bonhomie between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Donald Trump was seen as a relationship like no other. That is, until a series of events gummed up the Trump's tariffs and India's purchase of oil from Russia to a US tilt toward Pakistan, friction between New Delhi and Washington has been hard to miss. And much of it has happened far from the corridors of power and, unsurprisingly, through Trump's posts on social has left policy experts wondering whether the camaraderie the two leaders shared may be a thing of the past, even though Trump has stopped short of referring to Modi directly on social media. The dip in rapport, some say, puts a strategic bilateral relationship built over decades at risk.'This is a testing time for the relationship,' said Ashok Malik, a former policy adviser in India's Foreign White House did not immediately respond to a message seeking tensions over trade and tariffsThe latest hiccup between India and the US emerged last week when Trump announced that he was slapping 25 percent tariffs on India as well as an unspecified penalty because of India's purchasing of Russian oil. For New Delhi, such a move from its largest trading partner is expected to be felt across sectors, but it also led to a sense of unease in India — even more so when Trump, on social media, called India's economy 'dead.'Trump's recent statements reflect his frustration with the pace of trade talks with India, according to a White House official who was not authorized to speak publicly and spoke on condition of anonymity to describe internal administration thinking. The Republican president has not been pursuing any strategic realignment with Pakistan, according to the official, but is instead trying to play hardball in doubled down on the pressure Monday with a fresh post on Truth Social, in which he accused India of buying 'massive amounts' of oil from Russia and then 'selling it on the Open Market for big profits.''They don't care how many people in Ukraine are being killed by the Russian War Machine. Because of this, I will be substantially raising the Tariff paid by India to the USA,' he messaging appears to have stung Modi's administration, which has been hard-selling negotiations with Trump's team over a trade deal by balancing between India's protectionist system while also opening up the country's market to more American goods.'Strenuous, uninterrupted and bipartisan efforts in both capitals over the past 25 years are being put at risk by not just the tariffs but by fast and loose statements and social media posts,' said Malik, who now heads the India chapter of The Asia Group, a US advisory firm .Malik also said the trade deal the Indian side has offered to the US is the 'most expansive in this country's history,' referring to reports that India was willing to open up to some American agricultural products. That is a politically sensitive issue for Modi, who faced a yearlong farmers' protest a few years appears to be tilting toward PakistanThe unraveling may have gained momentum over tariffs, but the tensions have been palpable for a while. Much of it has to do with Trump growing closer to Pakistan, India's nuclear rival in the May, India and Pakistan traded a series of military strikes over a gun massacre in disputed Kashmir that New Delhi blamed Islamabad for. Pakistan denied the accusations. The four-day conflict made the possibility of a nuclear conflagration between the two sides seem real and the fighting only stopped when global powers it was Trump's claims of mediation and an offer to work to provide a 'solution' regarding the dispute over Kashmir that made Modi's administration uneasy. Since then, Trump has repeated nearly two dozen times that he brokered peace between India and Modi, that is a risky — even nervy — territory. Domestically, he has positioned himself as a leader who is tough on Pakistan. Internationally, he has made huge diplomatic efforts to isolate the country. So Trump's claims cut a deep wound, prompting a sense in India that the US may no longer be its strategic insists that Kashmir is India's internal issue and had opposed any third-party intervention. Last week Modi appeared to dismiss Trump's claims after India's Opposition began demanding answers from him. Modi said that 'no country in the world stopped' the fighting between India and Pakistan, but he did not name has also appeared to be warming up to Pakistan, even praising its counterterrorism efforts. Hours after levying tariffs on India, Trump announced a 'massive' oil exploration deal with Pakistan, saying that some day, India might have to buy oil from Islamabad. Earlier, he also hosted one of Pakistan's top military officials at a private Sundar Chaulia, an expert at New Delhi's Jindal School of International Affairs, said Trump's sudden admiration for Pakistan as a great partner in counterterrorism has 'definitely soured' the mood in said 'the best-case scenario is that this is just a passing Trump whim,' but he also warned that 'if financial and energy deals are indeed being struck between the US and Pakistan, it will dent the US-India strategic partnership and lead to loss of confidence in the US in Indian eyes.'India's oil purchases from Russia are an irritantThe strain in relations has also to do with had faced strong pressure from the Biden administration to cut back its oil purchases from Moscow during the early months of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Instead, India bought more, making it the second-biggest buyer of Russian oil after China. That pressure sputtered over time and the US focused more on building strategic ties with India, which is seen as a bulwark against a rising threat to penalize India over oil, however, brought back those Sunday, the Trump administration made its frustrations over ties between India and Russia ever more public. Stephen Miller, deputy chief of staff at the White House, accused India of financing Russia's war in Ukraine by purchasing oil from Moscow, saying it was 'not acceptable.'Miller's remarks were followed by another Trump social media post on Monday in which he again threatened to raise tariffs on goods from India over its Russian oil purchases.'India is not only buying massive amounts of Russian Oil, they are then, for much of the Oil purchased, selling it on the Open Market for big profits. They don't care how many people in Ukraine are being killed by the Russian War Machine,' Trump experts, though, suspect Trump's remarks are mere pressure tactics. 'Given the wild fluctuations in Trump's policies,' Chaulia said, 'it may return to high fives and hugs again.'India says it will safeguard its interestsMany expected India to react strongly over Trump's tariff threats considering Modi's carefully crafted reputation of strength. Instead, the announcement prompted a rather careful response from India's commerce minister, Piyush Goyal, who said the two countries are working toward a 'fair, balanced and mutually beneficial bilateral trade agreement.'Initially, India's Foreign Ministry also played down suggestions of any strain. But in a statement late Monday, it called Trump's criticism 'unjustified and unreasonable' and said it will take 'all necessary measures to safeguard its national interests and economic security.'It said India began importing oil from Russia because traditional supplies were diverted to Europe after the outbreak of the Ukraine conflict, calling it a 'necessity compelled by global market situation.'The statement also noted US trade with Russia.'It is revealing that the very nations criticizing India are themselves indulging in trade with Russia,' the statement said.