Russia, Ukraine accuse each other of breaching ceasefire
Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelensky said Russian forces were continuing their shelling and assaults along the front line despite Putin announcing the surprise truce.
The 30-hour truce starting Saturday evening to mark the religious holiday could be the most significant pause in the fighting throughout the three-year conflict.
The Ukrainian air force did not report any drone launches or missile attacks overnight.
But Zelensky accused Russia of having kept up its attacks on the front line after the truce started.
Russia's defence ministry in turn said it had 'repelled' attempted assaults by Ukraine and accused Kyiv of launching hundreds of drones and shells, causing civilian casualties.
'Despite the announcement of the Easter truce, Ukrainian units at night made attempts to attack' Russia's positions in the Donetsk region, the ministry added.
A woman and two children were wounded by a drone attack in Russia's Belgorod border region, the governor Vyacheslav Gladkov, said.
The Russian-appointed mayor of Gorlovka in the occupied part of the Donetsk region, Ivan Prikhodko, said two civilians had been wounded without giving details.
Zelensky said Ukraine saw hundreds of attacks and drone launches on Sunday.
'The Ukrainian army is acting and will continue to act in an absolutely mirror image' of Russia, Zelensky said.
The Russian defence ministry insisted its troops had 'strictly observed the ceasefire.'
Putin's order to halt all combat over the Easter weekend came after months of efforts by US President Donald Trump to get Moscow and Kyiv to agree to a ceasefire.
On Friday, Washington even threatened to withdraw from talks if no progress was made.
Ukrainian soldiers said that they had noticed a lull in fighting.
A drone unit commander said that Russia's activity had 'significantly decreased both in Zaporizhzhia and Kharkiv regions,' the war-torn areas in the south and northeast where the unit is active.
'Several assaults were recorded, but those were solitary incidents involving small groups,' the commander said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
'Fewer guys (soldiers) will die today.'
Russian 'artillery is not working. it is quiet compared to a regular day,' Sergiy, a junior lieutenant fighting in the Sumy border region, wrote to AFP in a message.
'Drones are flying, of course. Those are mostly reconnaissance drones, not strike ones.'
Ukrainian troops 'are on the defensive', he said.
'If the enemy doesn't move forward, they don't shoot.'
AFP journalists standing on a high vantage point in eastern Ukraine heard fewer explosions than usual and saw no smoke on the horizon.
Putin announced the truce from 6pm (1500 GMT) Saturday to midnight Sunday (2100 GMT Sunday) in televised comments, saying it was motivated by 'humanitarian reasons.'
While he expected Ukraine to comply, Putin said that Russian troops 'must be ready to resist possible breaches of the truce and provocations by the enemy.'
Zelensky said Ukraine would follow suit, and proposed extending the truce 30 days beyond Sunday to 'give peace a chance.'
He said Sunday that Russia 'has not yet responded to this.'
Putin earlier rejected a proposed 30-day full and unconditional ceasefire.
Previous attempts at holding ceasefires for Easter in April 2022 and Orthodox Christmas in January 2023 were not implemented after both sides failed to agree on them.
In Kyiv on Sunday, as Easter bells rang out, people expressed doubts over whether Russia would observe the truce or agree with Zelensky's proposal to extend it.
'They've already broken their promise. Unfortunately, we cannot trust Russia today,' said 38-year-old Olga Grachova, who works in marketing.
Agence France-Presse
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Campaign ME
3 hours ago
- Campaign ME
IMI group picks Hadley Gamble as Chief International Anchor
IMI, the privately owned global media group headquartered in Abu Dhabi, has appointed Hadley Gamble to the newly created role of Chief International Anchor. In this strategic position, Gamble will lead the development of high-profile interviews and original features across IMI's network of premier media brands, including The National, Sky News Arabia, CNN Business Arabic, and Al-Ain News. A seasoned journalist and anchor, Gamble brings extensive expertise in political and economic reporting, having interviewed heads of state, business leaders and cultural figures over a notable career spanning two decades. Some of her interviews are with high-profile leaders such as Russian President Vladimir Putin, King Abdullah II of Jordan, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, former US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, and businessman and philanthropist Bill Gates, among many others. Based in London, Gamble will represent IMI internationally and lead a new slate of cross-platform content. Commenting on her appointment, Hadley Gamble, Chief International Anchor at IMI, said, 'I am excited to be joining a media group with global reach and a clear editorial vision across its media outlets. Gamble added, I look forward to working closely alongside The National, Sky News Arabia, CNN Business Arabic, and Al-Ain News to deliver distinctive journalism that informs and engages audiences around the world.' Gamble's appointment aligns with IMI's broader strategy to expand its international content footprint and continue to grow its global audience base. With operations in 15 countries and a team of more than 400 journalists across the UAE, Lebanon, Egypt, the United Kingdom, and the United States, IMI intends to continue investing in original content, world-class talent and impactful journalism.
Arabian Post
4 hours ago
- Arabian Post
Multipolarity or Dependency? Russia's Bid for African Allegiance
M. A. Hossain When Dmitry Medvedev, former Russian president and current deputy chair of Russia's Security Council, addressed the Liberation Movements Summit in South Africa on July 27, his message was as predictable as it was provocative: Russia stands with Africa in the fight against neocolonialism and envisions a multipolar world. Coming from a Kremlin official, this claim may appear noble at first glance—until one examines the underlying logic, the historical baggage, and the realpolitik shaping Moscow's African charm offensive. The summit brought together ruling parties with anti-colonial roots—South Africa's ANC, Zimbabwe's ZANU-PF, Mozambique's FRELIMO, Namibia's SWAPO, and Tanzania's CCM. These are parties with storied pasts, forged in the fires of liberation wars, many of which were backed by Soviet arms and ideology during the Cold War. Medvedev's remarks framed these parties as guardians of sovereignty and developmental progress, touting their legitimacy not only in history but in the future of global pluralism. ADVERTISEMENT But historical memory and contemporary alliances often diverge. There is no denying that Russia's growing footprint in Africa taps into a deep well of postcolonial disillusionment. For many African nations, political independence did not translate into economic sovereignty. Decades after European withdrawal, Western corporations still dominate resource extraction, and the Bretton Woods institutions often seem more like gatekeepers than partners. The result has been a lingering sense that colonialism never truly ended—it just evolved. Russia, keen to reassert itself globally in the face of Western sanctions and isolation following its invasion of Ukraine, has cleverly tapped into this sentiment. Medvedev's appeal was laced with references to 'ideologues of neocolonialism' and 'equal partnerships.' Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has echoed similar lines, accusing the West of economic exploitation. Such rhetoric has struck a chord with leaders disenchanted with the asymmetries of the Western-led order. And yet, to accept Russia as a liberating force in Africa demands a suspension of disbelief. If neocolonialism is defined as the economic dominion of sovereign nations under the guise of cooperation, then Russia's actions warrant scrutiny as much as those of the West. Moscow's military ties in Africa are expanding rapidly—Wagner mercenaries in the Central African Republic and Mali, arms deals across the continent, and intelligence-sharing agreements with autocratic regimes. These arrangements often lack transparency and accountability. Russian partnerships, while devoid of the moral posturing typical of Western democracies, are far from altruistic. ADVERTISEMENT See also Trump's 50-Day Ultimatum: Ukraine Ceasefire or a New Trap? The idea of a multipolar world (an appealing concept to postcolonial states) is increasingly used as a diplomatic euphemism for alignment with non-Western power centers. Yet the benefits of such partnerships remain uneven. In Mali and Burkina Faso, Russian support has coincided with growing repression and shrinking civic space. While the Kremlin promises 'respect for sovereignty,' it often gravitates toward regimes that muzzle opposition and rely on coercion, not consent. This isn't to say that African countries are mere pawns in a great power game. Quite the contrary—they are navigating a world of constrained choices, reshaping their foreign policy around a strategic mix of Chinese investment, Russian arms, Gulf State capital, and Western aid. The shift is less ideological than pragmatic. Leaders want roads, power plants, and trade—regardless of whether it comes with liberal sermons or Kremlin silence. Still, there is an undeniable symbolism to the Liberation Movements Summit. It reflects a continent increasingly confident in its agency, willing to rewrite the rules of engagement with former colonial powers and emerging ones alike. Gwen Ramokgopa of South Africa's ANC put it succinctly: political liberation is not enough. Economic emancipation is now the goal. But how does one achieve that without repeating the mistakes of the past? Aligning with Russia may help loosen Western conditionalities, but it won't solve Africa's structural problems: underdeveloped infrastructure, poor education systems, and endemic corruption. Russian trade and military cooperation are not substitutes for institutional reform or industrial diversification. History offers sobering lessons. The Cold War-era alliances between the USSR and African liberation movements were driven more by ideological rivalry than genuine development. While Soviet aid helped win independence, it rarely built enduring economic capacity. The collapse of the USSR left many of its African allies adrift, exposing the fragility of partnerships built more on geopolitics than on shared prosperity. See also XI BRICS no show: Strategic shift or silent warning? Today's Russia is not yesterday's Soviet Union, but its motivations are just as strategic. Facing economic sanctions, international isolation, and battlefield challenges in Ukraine, Moscow needs Africa—not only for diplomatic support at the United Nations, but also for alternative markets, arms deals, and mineral access. In that light, Medvedev's speech reads less like an ode to African empowerment and more like a realpolitik maneuver to secure influence in a shifting global landscape. Even so, the West would be foolish to dismiss Russia's overtures. The language of anti-imperialism carries weight in postcolonial societies. Decades of moralistic diplomacy—often undermined by military interventions, unfair trade terms, and migration hypocrisy—have tarnished the West's image in Africa. When Western leaders preach human rights while ignoring the economic realities imposed by their own corporations, they create a credibility vacuum that rivals are eager to fill. The challenge for the West is not merely to counter Russia's narrative, but to offer a better one. That means shifting from extractive economic relations to genuine partnerships—investing in African value chains, supporting debt restructuring, and engaging African civil societies rather than just their rulers. For Africa, the future lies not in choosing between East and West, but in mastering the art of strategic non-alignment—leveraging multiple partnerships to advance domestic development goals. Multipolarity, if truly rooted in mutual respect and economic inclusion, can serve that purpose. But if it becomes a euphemism for siding with authoritarian benefactors against liberal hypocrites, it will fail the very people it claims to empower. Medvedev's address reflects a broader geopolitical recalibration. Russia is using history and ideology to position itself as a partner of choice for a continent still scarred by colonialism. But rhetoric alone is not redemption. Africa's liberation movements, now ruling parties, must decide whether Russia offers merely a new suitor—or a new path. The answer will determine whether multipolarity becomes a means of empowerment, or just another version of dependency cloaked in new colors. Also published on Medium. Notice an issue? Arabian Post strives to deliver the most accurate and reliable information to its readers. If you believe you have identified an error or inconsistency in this article, please don't hesitate to contact our editorial team at editor[at]thearabianpost[dot]com. We are committed to promptly addressing any concerns and ensuring the highest level of journalistic integrity.
Arabian Post
6 hours ago
- Arabian Post
Russia in Trump's crosshairs—oil markets on alert
President Trump has sharply shortened his own deadline for punishing buyers of Russian oil, catching markets off guard and forcing investors to price in a risk that had previously been dismissed. On Monday, standing beside UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer in Scotland, Trump announced that Moscow now has only 10 to 12 days to secure a peace deal over Ukraine. If it doesn't, he says he will impose 100% tariffs on countries still buying Russian oil, which includes some of the biggest economies in the world, such as India and China. ADVERTISEMENT This threat, if acted on, would mark the most aggressive move yet in Washington's effort to tighten the screws on Russian energy exports. It's also a clear departure from Trump's previous position. Just two weeks ago, he gave Russia 50 days. Now, that window has collapsed, and the consequences of action or inaction are closer than markets had anticipated. The shift in tone and timing has already started to move prices. Brent crude climbed nearly 3% on Monday. Not because sanctions were in place, but because the market was no longer comfortable assuming they wouldn't be. When a major energy exporter faces a new access risk, and the message comes from the President of the United States, traders have no choice but to respond. What happens next is unknowable. Trump has backed down from dramatic threats before, especially when markets push back. He's also shown a willingness to act when it fits his strategy. For instance, the airstrikes on Iran's nuclear sites in June were not foreshadowed. They were carried out without warning, and they sent ripples through global markets. That's part of what makes this current situation so tense. The unpredictability forces investors to prepare for both outcomes at once. There's little doubt about the impact if Trump does move forward. Russia continues to export close to 4.7 million barrels of crude per day, and more than 2.5 million barrels of refined products, which represents a significant share of global supply. If secondary sanctions are imposed, the impact would be swift. Tanker routes would shift, buyers would scramble, and, clearly, pressure on pricing would intensify. The inflation risk is real. Energy prices remain a critical input in the broader inflation picture. If crude climbs on sanctions, the next inflation print could surprise to the upside. This would complicate domestic monetary policy just as Trump is publicly calling for interest rate cuts. He's been consistent in arguing that borrowing costs are too high. However, if inflation rises because of his own actions, the Fed would have no space to ease. This could become politically awkward, particularly in a climate where inflation expectations are stabilising. Then there's the geopolitical consequence. By threatening secondary sanctions, Trump is essentially asking India, China, and other Russian oil customers to pick sides. It brings new friction into a set of already fragile global relationships. It could also accelerate the slow fragmentation we've seen in global trade and finance over the last several years. For investors, this creates a multidimensional challenge. It's not just about oil. It's about policy, inflation, global alignment, and the credibility of US threats. This is why I don't believe this can be ignored. Even if Trump chooses not to follow through, the possibility has already changed behaviour. This moment is now priced into the market. The only question is how far it moves from here. The timeline is tight. The signals are mixed. But the risk is on the table. Whatever Trump decides to do next, markets are no longer able to look past it. Nigel Green is deVere CEO and Founder Also published on Medium. Notice an issue? Arabian Post strives to deliver the most accurate and reliable information to its readers. If you believe you have identified an error or inconsistency in this article, please don't hesitate to contact our editorial team at editor[at]thearabianpost[dot]com. We are committed to promptly addressing any concerns and ensuring the highest level of journalistic integrity.
