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I'm 52, saving 10% of my paycheck for retirement — but my husband isn't saving anything. What do I do?

I'm 52, saving 10% of my paycheck for retirement — but my husband isn't saving anything. What do I do?

Yahoo5 days ago

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Jada, 52, is facing the existential dread of retirement. She doesn't even plan to clock out until she turns 65, and she's been saving for her golden years since her mid-20s.
But her husband of 20 years hasn't put aside anything for retirement, and he doesn't plan to. He's relying on his pension and Social Security retirement benefits — along with Jada's savings — to finance their golden years.
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Jada worries he doesn't understand how much they'll need in retirement, and feels resentful that she's making all the sacrifices for their future. Now, she's left wondering what to do next, and if they'll be alright.
First things first, you'll want to have a conversation about your expectations. But that can be easier said than done with one in three Americans (32%) saying they're uncomfortable discussing finances in their relationship, according to a Talker Research survey.
In Jada and her husband's case, they should start by ensuring they're on the same page with their goals. Not to mention, how much they'll need to reach those goals. A general rule of thumb is to aim for about 60% to 80% of your pre-retirement income. If Jada and her husband are finding it difficult to talk or even crunch the numbers, they may want to enlist the help of a financial adviser.
They know the right questions to ask to help you figure out your shared retirement goals.
With Advisor.com, you can find a vetted financial advisor that offers personalized advice, guiding you towards the right choices for the retirement you've always dreamed of. They can help you get your retirement mapped out today.
Read more: Rich, young Americans are ditching the stormy stock market —
Once you're aligned on your goals, it's time to work together to make them happen. That might look like a spousal IRA (aimed at helping a non-working spouse), 401(k)s and IRAs as individual accounts.
Jada's husband would greatly benefit from opening a 401(k) and funding it to the maximum amount — especially if his employer matches his contributions.
Jada's husband could also contribute to a Roth IRA, which uses after-tax dollars and grows tax-free. That means, as long as he follows the withdrawal rules, those withdrawals aren't taxed as income.
To take advantage of the benefits of diversification, Jada and her husband could also open a gold IRA through American Hartford Gold. This retirement account can help stabilize their finances by allowing them to invest directly in physical precious metals rather than stocks and bonds.
When you open a gold IRA, you're looking out for your future self and cushioning your retirement funds too.
They'd also benefit from her husband beginning to invest as soon as he can. The power of compound returns means that the longer they give their money to grow, the more they'll benefit. Even small amounts can grow over time, and some apps automatically invest your spare change.
Automated investing platforms often offer a range of diversified ETF portfolios based on your risk profile and investment goals.
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This article provides information only and should not be construed as advice. It is provided without warranty of any kind.

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How to Assess the Damage of the Iran Strikes
How to Assess the Damage of the Iran Strikes

Atlantic

time28 minutes ago

  • Atlantic

How to Assess the Damage of the Iran Strikes

In August 1941, the British government received a very unwelcome piece of analysis from an economist named David Miles Bensusan-Butt. A careful analysis of photographs suggested that the Royal Air Force's Bomber Command was having trouble hitting targets in Germany and France; in fact, only one in three pilots that claimed to have attacked the targets seemed to have dropped its bombs within five miles of them. The Butt report is a landmark in the history of 'bomb damage assessment,' or, as we now call it, 'battle damage assessment.' This recondite term has come back into public usage because of the dispute over the effectiveness of the June 22 American bombing of three Iranian nuclear facilities. President Donald Trump said that American bombs had 'obliterated' the Iranian nuclear program. A leaked preliminary assessment from the Defense Intelligence Agency on June 24 said that the damage was minimal. Whom to believe? Have the advocates of bombing again overpromised and underdelivered? Some history is in order here, informed by a bit of personal experience. From 1991 to 1993 I ran the U.S. Air Force's study of the first Gulf War. In doing so I learned that BDA rests on three considerations: the munition used, including its accuracy; the aircraft delivering it; and the type of damage or effect created. Of these, precision is the most important. World War II saw the first use of guided bombs in combat. In September 1943, the Germans used radio-controlled glide bombs to sink the Italian battleship Roma as it sailed off to surrender to the Allies. Americans developed similar systems with some successes, though none so dramatic. In the years after the war, precision-guided weapons slowly came to predominate in modern arsenals. The United States used no fewer than 24,000 laser-guided bombs during the Vietnam War, and some 17,000 of them during the 1991 Gulf War. These weapons have improved considerably, and in the 35 years since, 'routine precision,' as some have called it, has enormously improved the ability of airplanes to hit hard, buried targets. Specially designed ordnance has also seen tremendous advances. In World War II, the British developed the six-ton Tallboy bomb to use against special targets, including the concrete submarine pens of occupied France in which German U-boats hid. The Tallboys cracked some of the concrete but did not destroy any, in part because these were 'dumb bombs' lacking precision guidance, and in part because the art of hardening warheads was in its infancy. In the first Gulf War, the United States hastily developed a deep-penetrating, bunker-busting bomb, the GBU-28, which weighed 5,000 pounds, but only two were used, to uncertain effect. In the years since, however, the U.S. and Israeli air forces, among others, have acquired hardened warheads for 2,000-pound bombs such as the BLU-109 that can hit deeply buried targets—which is why, for example, the Israelis were able to kill a lot of Hezbollah's leadership in its supposedly secure bunkers. The aircraft that deliver bombs can affect the explosives' accuracy. Bombs that home in on the reflection of a laser, for example, could become 'stupid' if a cloud passes between plane and the target, or if the laser otherwise loses its lock on the target. Bombs relying on GPS coordinates can in theory be jammed. Airplanes being shot at are usually less effective bomb droppers than those that are not, because evasive maneuvers can prevent accurate delivery. The really complicated question is that of effects. Vietnam-era guided bombs, for example, could and did drop bridges in North Vietnam. In many cases, however, Vietnamese engineers countered by building 'underwater bridges' that allowed trucks to drive across a river while axle-deep in water. The effect was inconvenience, not interdiction. Conversely, in the first Gulf War, the U.S. and its allies spent a month pounding Iraqi forces dug in along the Kuwait border, chiefly with dumb bombs delivered by 'smart aircraft' such as the F-16. In theory, the accuracy of the bombing computer on the airplane would allow it to deliver unguided ordnance with accuracy comparable to that of a laser-guided bomb. In practice, ground fire and delivery from high altitudes often caused pilots to miss. When teams began looking at Iraqi tanks in the area overrun by U.S. forces, they found that many of the tanks were, in fact, undamaged. But that was only half of the story. Iraqi tank crews were so sufficiently terrified of American air power that they stayed some distance away from their tanks, and tanks immobilized and unmaintained for a month, or bounced around by near-misses, do not work terribly well. The functional and indirect effects of the bombing, in other words, were much greater than the disappointing physical effects. Many of the critiques of bombing neglect the importance of this phenomenon. The pounding of German cities and industry during World War II, for example, did not bring war production to a halt until the last months, but the indirect and functional effects were enormous. The diversion of German resources into air-defense and revenge weapons, and the destruction of the Luftwaffe's fighter force over the Third Reich, played a very great role in paving the way to Allied victory. At a microlevel, BDA can be perplexing. In 1991, for example, a bomb hole in an Iraqi hardened-aircraft shelter told analysts only so much. Did the bomb go through the multiple layers of concrete and rock fill, or did it 'J-hook'back upward and possibly fail to explode? Was there something in the shelter when it hit, and what damage did it do? Did the Iraqis perhaps move airplanes into penetrated shelters on the theory that lightning would not strike twice? All hard (though not entirely impossible) to judge without being on the ground. To the present moment: BDA takes a long time, so the leaked DIA memo of June 24 was based on preliminary and incomplete data. The study I headed was still working on BDA a year after the war ended. Results may be quicker now, but all kinds of information need to be integrated—imagery analysis, intercepted communications, measurement and signature intelligence (e.g., subsidence of earth above a collapsed structure), and of course human intelligence, among others. Any expert (and any journalist who bothered to consult one) would know that two days was a radically inadequate time frame in which to form a considered judgment. The DIA report was, from a practical point of view, worthless. An educated guess, however, would suggest that in fact the U.S. military's judgment that the Iranian nuclear problem had suffered severe damage was correct. The American bombing was the culmination of a 12-day campaign launched by the Israelis, which hit many nuclear facilities and assassinated at least 14 nuclear scientists. The real issue is not the single American strike so much as the cumulative effect against the entire nuclear ecosystem, including machining, testing, and design facilities. The platforms delivering the munitions in the American attack had ideal conditions in which to operate—there was no Iranian air force to come up and attack the B-2s that they may not even have detected, nor was there ground fire to speak of. The planes were the most sophisticated platforms of the most sophisticated air force in the world. The bombs themselves, particularly the 14 GBU-57s, were gigantic—at 15 tons more than double the size of Tallboys—with exquisite guidance and hardened penetrating warheads. The targets were all fully understood from more than a decade of close scrutiny by Israeli and American intelligence, and probably that of other Western countries as well. In the absence of full information, cumulative expert judgment also deserves some consideration—and external experts such as David Albright, the founder of the Institute for Science and International Security, have concluded that the damage was indeed massive and lasting. Israeli analysts, in and out of government, appear to agree. They are more likely to know, and more likely to be cautious in declaring success about what is, after all, an existential threat to their country. For that matter, the Iranian foreign minister concedes that 'serious damage' was done. One has to set aside the sycophantic braggadocio of Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, who seems to believe that one unopposed bombing raid is a military achievement on par with D-Day, or the exuberant use of the word obliteration by the president. A cooler, admittedly provisional judgment is that with all their faults, however, the president and his secretary of defense are likely a lot closer to the mark about what happened when the bombs fell than many of their hasty, and not always well-informed, critics. *Photo-illustration by Jonelle Afurong / The Atlantic. Source: Alberto Pizzoli / Sygma / Getty; MIKE NELSON / AFP / Getty; Greg Mathieson / Mai / Getty; Space Frontiers / Archive Photos / Hulton Archive / Getty; U.S. Department of Defense

Reforming Fannie and Freddie is just the first step
Reforming Fannie and Freddie is just the first step

The Hill

time36 minutes ago

  • The Hill

Reforming Fannie and Freddie is just the first step

For nearly 17 years, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac — two pillars of the U.S. housing finance system — have remained under federal conservatorship. The debate over how to exit this limbo has consumed housing policy circles for over a decade. Most stakeholders now agree that reform is overdue. But even the best plan to restructure these institutions will fall short if it ends there. Fannie and Freddie matter. The government-sponsored enterprises guarantee nearly half of all new U.S. mortgages, ensuring liquidity in both good times and bad. They are also among the few institutions with a public mission to serve rural, low-income and historically underserved borrowers. Reimagining them as regulated utilities — with capped returns, cost-based pricing and clear service obligations — would bring transparency and durability to a system long overdue for a modern framework. But structure alone won't solve the affordability crisis gripping communities nationwide. Even perfectly governed Government-Sponsored Enterprises cannot close the gap between surging home prices and stagnating wages. Nor can they single-handedly fix the uneven access to credit or the persistent racial homeownership gap. The median U.S. home now costs over $420,000. According to the National Low Income Housing Coalition, the nation faces a shortage of more than 7 million affordable rental homes. In many markets, even well-qualified buyers with stable incomes and decent credit are being priced out of the market. The gap between what families earn and what homes cost is no longer just wide — it's systemic. Without a broader effort, a restructured Fannie and Freddie would still be operating on top of a broken foundation. To truly modernize housing finance, we need to rethink how we underwrite risk, where we allow homes to be built, and who gets access to capital. A healthy system must go beyond liquidity. It must support housing production, economic inclusion and long-term market resilience. Here are three critical areas where policy must evolve: 1. Zoning and land use reform The Government-Sponsored Enterprises can't buy loans on homes that don't get built. In many cities, exclusionary zoning — such as minimum lot sizes, bans on multifamily units, and onerous parking requirements — chokes off the supply of new housing. While local governments control zoning, federal policy can provide powerful incentives. One approach is to link infrastructure or transportation grants to inclusive land-use reforms. Removing regulatory barriers to starter homes, townhouses and modular construction could unlock affordable housing supply without the need for new subsidies. 2. Credit Innovation for a changing workforce Today's credit models don't reflect how Americans live and work. Renters with flawless payment histories still struggle to build credit. Gig workers with steady earnings face outdated underwriting standards. Appraisals often undervalue modular and manufactured homes despite their key role in expanding affordability. Federal regulators should accelerate the development of alternative credit scoring models, expand underwriting pilots and recognize stable income sources beyond the traditional W-2. A modern credit system must reward reliability — not just conformity. 3. Equity through transparency The racial homeownership gap isn't closing on its own — it requires deliberate action. Any Government-Sponsored Enterprises reform must include strong data transparency on lending by race, income and geography. Public dashboards, equity benchmarks and stronger oversight should be part of the solution. If the Government-Sponsored Enterprises are to fulfill a public mission, their performance must be trackable, visible and grounded in outcomes — not aspirations. Fixing Fannie and Freddie is necessary — but it's not sufficient. These institutions are deeply ingrained in the core of America's housing and financial systems. Their influence extends from interest rates and loan terms to neighborhood stability and intergenerational wealth. Restructuring them without addressing the broader system would be a missed opportunity. Economists such as Mark Zandi of Moody's Analytics and Jim Parrott of the Urban Institute have long supported a hybrid model: one that combines strong regulation with market participation. They argue that it's possible to balance broad access to mortgage credit with taxpayer protection. Their work affirms that reform doesn't require a false choice between efficiency and equity. We can — and must — pursue both. Recent public friction between Bill Pulte, director of the Federal Housing Finance Agency, and Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell is another reminder: Housing finance doesn't operate in isolation. Interest rate policy, inflation and credit markets all interact with the institutions that support the mortgage system. Reform must be built to withstand not only market volatility but also political and monetary turbulence. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac have helped millions of Americans buy homes and weather economic downturns. But they can't fix zoning laws, modernize credit scoring or close the racial wealth gap on their own. Suppose we want a system that works not just in recovery but in resilience. In that case, we need a long-term vision — one that aligns public purpose with private capital and innovation with accountability. The next chapter of housing finance must be bigger than balance sheets. It must reflect the realities of today's economy and prepare for the demands of tomorrow's homebuyers. This isn't just about fixing what's broken. It's about building a housing finance system that works — for everyone. Omar Mbowe, Ph.D., MBA, is the Managing Partner of Auxilia Capital Partners, a New York–based real estate investment firm. He also serves as the executive director of the HED Initiative.

SALT income tax deduction takes key step forward on Senate deal
SALT income tax deduction takes key step forward on Senate deal

Miami Herald

time41 minutes ago

  • Miami Herald

SALT income tax deduction takes key step forward on Senate deal

A much followed tax break improvement is inching toward becoming a reality. A proposed tweak to the state and local tax (SALT) deduction - capped at $10,000 since 2018 - could soon offer relief to taxpayers in high-tax states. If passed, the Senate's version of the One Big Beautiful Bill of America (OBBBA) would give taxpayers a temporary boost in their ability to deduct SALT payments, especially for those who've felt the sting of the cap since the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) took effect. And as lawmakers inch toward a deal, taxpayers - and their accountants - are watching closely. Photo by Ian Hutchinson on Unsplash What is the SALT income tax deduction cap? Under the TCJA, the SALT deduction was capped at $10,000 annually - including the combined total of property taxes, income taxes, and sales taxes. That cap, still in place today, is set to expire at the end of 2025. Don't miss the move: Subscribe to TheStreet's free daily newsletter But since its enactment, it has disproportionately affected residents in states with high property values and/or income tax rates. Think: New YorkCaliforniaNew JerseyConnecticutMassachusettsMarylandIllinois In these states, many middle-and upper-middle-income households have long paid more than $10,000 in state and local taxes. Related: How the IRS taxes Social Security income in retirement As a result, despite the higher standard deduction that was part of TCJA, some families have been unable to fully deduct those expenses on their federal tax returns-a costly outcome. Both the House and Senate versions of the OBBBA seek to expand the SALT deduction, but with key differences. In the House proposal, the cap would rise to $40,000 for married couples, phased out for households earning over $500,000. The new cap would last until 2034. Related: Social Security income tax deduction clears critical hurdle Not all lawmakers are on board. Rep. Nick LaLota (R-N.Y.), for instance, told Axios he was a "no" on a temporary deal. "I need $40K for my constituents, and it has to be $40K forever," he said. The Senate version takes a different approach. It proposes a temporary SALT cap increase from 2025 through 2029, followed by a return to the $10,000 cap: 2025: Cap rises to $40,0002026: Adjusted to $40,4002027–2029: Cap increases annually by 1%2030 and beyond: Cap returns to $10,000 For married individuals filing separately, these caps are halved. High-Income taxpayers face phase-down of SALT deduction The Senate plan includes a phase-down for high earners, starting in 2025. Here's how it works: The benefit phases down once your modified adjusted gross income (MAGI) exceeds $500,000 (or $250,000 for married filing separately).The reduction equals 30% of the amount your MAGI exceeds the the SALT cap cannot fall below $10,000 - even for the wealthiest filers. This means high-income households would still see some benefit from the temporary cap hike, just not the full amount. "For a lot of people, this cap is the difference between taking the standard deduction and itemizing deductions," said Michael Lofley, a financial adviser with HBKS Wealth Advisors. "If they itemize, they now get some additional tax benefit for other deductions, like charitable giving or mortgage interest." Related: Medicare recipients face a growing problem While some taxpayers - particularly small business owners - have used pass-through entity taxes (PTETs) to bypass the cap, W-2 earners such as corporate executives don't have that option. For them, this proposal offers real financial relief. Standard deduction increases under Senate tax plan The Senate tax bill includes more than just SALT deduction relief. It also proposes permanent extensions of the TCJA's higher standard deduction amounts. And for the years 2025 through 2028, it adds an extra boost: $1,000 for single filers$1,500 for heads of household$2,000 for married couples filing jointly That means in 2026, the standard deduction could be: $16,000 for singles$24,000 for heads of household$32,000 for married joint filers After 2026, these amounts would adjust with inflation. Retirees also have reason to pay attention. The Senate bill includes a larger senior tax deduction - $6,000 per eligible filer aged 65 or older (up from $4,000 in the House bill). This enhanced deduction would apply through 2028 and would phase out for incomes above: $75,000 (single filers)$150,000 (married filing jointly) Before the TCJA, about 31% to 32% of taxpayers itemized deductions. But after the law took effect in 2018, that figure dropped significantly: 2018: 11% to 11.5%2020–2022: Just 9% to 10% If the SALT cap is temporarily expanded, even if the standard deduction increases, more taxpayers - especially in high-tax areas - may once again find it beneficial to itemize deductions on their federal tax returns. "If Congress meets President Trump's July 4th deadline for passing the final bill, taxpayers will soon be able to update their 2025 tax projections," says Jean-Luc Bourdon, CPA. "This could prompt some taxpayers to revise their estimated quarterly payments or tax withholdings for the remainder of the year." Related: Workers struggle with one big problem when they retire The Arena Media Brands, LLC THESTREET is a registered trademark of TheStreet, Inc.

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