
Trump contradicts Netanyahu on Gaza starvation: ‘Those children look very hungry'
'People need to get food and safety right now,' Trump told reporters in Turnberry, Scotland. 'I told Israel maybe they have to do it a different way.'
Trump's remarks come in contrast to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's assertion that there is 'no starvation in Gaza.'
'I don't know,' Trump responded when asked about Netanyahu's comment. 'Based on television, I would say not particularly, because those children look very hungry. We're giving a lot of money and a lot of food, and other nations are now stepping up.'
Netanyahu, speaking at a Christian conference in Jerusalem on July 27, rejected accusations that Israel was using starvation as a weapon. 'There is no policy of starvation in Gaza and there is no starvation in Gaza,' he said, calling the allegations a 'bold-faced lie.'
The Gaza Health Ministry reported on July 28 that 14 people had died of starvation and malnutrition in the past 24 hours alone, bringing the total war-related death toll from hunger to 147, including 89 children—most of them in recent weeks.
In response to growing international concern, Israel announced a daily 10-hour pause in military operations in parts of Gaza and opened new humanitarian corridors. Jordan and the United Arab Emirates have also airdropped aid into the enclave.
Trump said the US had sent significant aid to Gaza but reiterated long-standing accusations that much of it is diverted by Hamas.
'A lot of that money is stolen by Hamas and a lot of that food is stolen,' he said. 'I don't believe Hamas will release the hostages. We've given a lot of money to Gaza for food and everything else.'
Standing alongside Trump, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer agreed on the urgency of the situation. 'This is a real humanitarian crisis,' he said. 'People in Britain are revolted at what they're seeing on their screens.'
When asked about the UK government's commitment to recognising a Palestinian state, Trump refrained from commenting. 'I'm not going to take a position,' he said. 'I don't mind him [the prime minister] taking a position. I'm looking for getting people fed right now.'

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Time of India
10 minutes ago
- Time of India
US, China and Russia: Navigating the superpower trilemma
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Economic Times
41 minutes ago
- Economic Times
‘Haven't eaten for days, forced to dig his own grave': Family of Hamas hostage releases ‘propaganda' video with message for Netanyahu
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Deccan Herald
41 minutes ago
- Deccan Herald
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As a sovereign decision, recognition is often used by countries to gain diplomatic leverage and strategic advantages. For instance, the US took more than two decades to accept the People's Republic of China and support its admission to the United Nations in 1971. For similar reasons, a vast number of countries—including some even today—have not recognised the State of Israel, despite it meeting all the criteria of an independent sovereign entity decades many others, India adopts a cautious approach when recognising and accepting a newly emerged entity into the international community. This caution was evident in its stance towards the then East Germany, which it recognised only in 1972, shortly before the latter joined the United Nations in September 1973. At the same time, India's immediate recognition of Bangladesh on 7 December 1971—amidst the war with Pakistan—paved the way for the latter's international same caution and legal considerations informed India's approach towards Palestine. Despite its longstanding support for the Palestinian cause dating back to the early 1920s, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru refrained from recognising the hastily formed and short-lived All-Palestine Government announced in the Gaza Strip in 1948. As global opinion began to coalesce around an independent Palestinian leadership under the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), New Delhi initiated engagement with Yasser the wake of the 1973 oil crisis and the sudden rise in political clout of key oil-exporting nations— particularly Iraq and Saudi Arabia — the regional stance towards the Palestinian leadership began to shift. At the Rabat Arab Summit in October 1974, the Arab League recognised the PLO as the 'sole and legitimate' representative of the Palestinians. This led India to sign a formal agreement with the PLO in January of the following year, soon after which an independent PLO office began functioning in New her landslide victory in the 1980 Lok Sabha elections, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi extended full diplomatic recognition to the Palestinian mission in March, granting it all diplomatic privileges and immunities on par with United Nations missions. The first Intifada prompted the PLO to accept the UN's partition plan for Palestine — albeit four decades late — indicating its readiness to coexist with the State of Israel. Consequently, India became one of the first countries to recognise the State of Palestine on 18 November 1988. The Palestinian mission in New Delhi was upgraded to a full-fledged embassy. At that time, the Israeli consulate in Mumbai remained limited in function and jurisdiction, primarily serving the state of then, India has hosted both Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas as heads of state. The last such visit occurred in May 2017, when Prime Minister Modi hosted Abbas. Following the Oslo Accords, India also opened a diplomatic mission in Gaza City, which was later relocated to the West Bank due to worsening security conditions, which also forced Arafat to move his headquarters to support for the two-state solution has remained consistent, vocal and unwavering. Even after the Hamas-led attacks on Israel on 7 October 2023, India reiterated its backing for the two-state framework. During a detailed media briefing on 12 October, the MEA spokesperson reaffirmed India's consistent support for 'a sovereign, independent, and viable state of Palestine, living within secure and recognised borders side by side at peace with Israel.'Despite growing normalisation and deepening strategic ties with Israel, India's commitment to the two-state solution remains resolute. The rising support among key Western powers only reinforces the strength and vision of India's long-held position. Yet, without active American support and endorsement, France and its European and Arab allies may struggle to realise Palestinian statehood — and this remains a major hurdle.(The writer teaches contemporary Middle East at Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi)