
Ngugi wa Thiong'o was not just a writer, he was a militant
It is how I will always remember Ngugi – dancing. He passed away on May 28 at the age of 87, leaving behind not only a Nobel-worthy literary legacy but a combination of deeply innovative craft and piercingly original criticism that joyfully calls on all of us to do better and push harder – as writers, activists, teachers and people – against the colonial foundations that sustain all our societies. As for me, he pushed me to go far deeper up river to Kakuma refugee camp, where the free association of so many vernacular tongues and cultures made possible the freedom to think and speak 'from the heart' – something he would always describe as writing's greatest gift.
Ngugi had long been a charter member of the African literary canon and a perennial Nobel favourite by the time I first met him in 2005. Getting to know him, it quickly became clear to me that his writing was inseparable from his teaching, which in turn was umbilically tied to his political commitments and long service as one of Africa's most formidable public intellectuals.
Ngugi's cheerfulness and indefatigable smile and laugh hid a deep-seated anger, reflecting the scars of violence on his body and soul as a child, young man and adult victimised by successive and deeply intertwined systems of criminalised rule.
The murder of his deaf brother, killed by the British because he did not hear and obey soldiers' orders to stop at a checkpoint, and the Mau Mau revolt that divided his other brothers on opposite sides of the colonial order during the final decade of British rule, imbued in him the foundational reality of violence and divisiveness as the twin engines of permanent coloniality even after independence formally severed the connection to the metropole.
More than half a century after these events, nothing would arouse Ngugi's animated ire more than bringing up in a discussion the transitional moment from British to Kenyan rule, and the fact that colonialism didn't leave with the British, but rather dug in and reenforced itself with Kenya's new, Kenyan rulers.
As he became a writer and playwright, Ngugi also became a militant, one devoted to using language to reconnect the complex African identities – local, tribal, national and cosmopolitan – that the 'cultural bomb' of British rule had 'annihilated' over the previous seven decades.
After his first play, The Black Hermit, premiered in Kampala in 1962, he was quickly declared a voice who 'speaks for the Continent'. Two years later, Weep Not Child, his first novel and the first English-language novel by an East African writer, came out.
As he rose to prominence, Ngugi decided to renounce the English language and start writing in his native Gikuyu.
The (re)turn to his native tongue radically altered the trajectory not just of his career, but of his life, as the ability of his clear-eyed critique of postcolonial rule to reach his compatriots in their own language (rather than English or the national language of Swahili) was too much for Kenya's new rulers to tolerate, and so he was imprisoned for a year without trial in 1977.
What Ngugi had realised when he began writing in Gikuyu, and even more so in prison, was the reality of neocolonialism as the primary mechanism of postcolonial rule. This wasn't the standard 'neocolonialism' that anti- and post-colonial activists used to describe the ongoing power of former colonial rulers by other means after formal independence, but rather the willing adoption of colonial technologies and discourses of rule by newly independent leaders, many of whom – like Jomo Kenyatta, Ngugi liked to point out – themselves suffered imprisonment and torture under the British rule.
Thus, true decolonisation could only occur when people's minds were freed from foreign control, which required first and perhaps foremost the freedom to write in one's native language.
Although rarely acknowledged, Ngugi's concept of neocolonialism, which owed much, he'd regularly explain, to the writings of Kwame Nkrumah and other African anti-colonial intellectuals-turned-political leaders, anticipated the rise of the now ubiquitous 'decolonial' and 'Indigenous' turns in the academy and progressive cultural production by almost a generation.
Indeed, Ngugi has long been placed together with Edward Said, Homi Bhabha and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak as the founding generation of postcolonial thought and criticism. But he and Said, whom he'd frequently discuss as a brother-in-arms and fellow admirer of Polish-British writer Joseph Conrad, shared a similar all-encompassing focus on language, even as Said wrote his prose mostly in English rather than Arabic.
For Said and Ngugi, colonialism had not yet passed, but was very much still an ongoing, viscerally and violently lived reality – for the former through the ever more violent and ultimately annihilatory settler colonialism, for the latter through the violence of successive governments.
Ngugi saw his link with Said in their common experience growing up under British rule. As he explained in his afterword to a recently published anthology of Egyptian prison writings since 2011, 'The performance of authority was central to the colonial culture of silence and fear,' and disrupting that authority and ending the silence could only come first through language.
For Said, the swirl of Arabic and English in his mind since childhood created what he called a 'primal instability', one that could be calmed fully when he was in Palestine, which he returned to multiple times in the last decade of his life. For Ngugi, even as Gikuyu enabled him to 'imagine another world, a flight to freedom, like a bird you see from the [prison] window,' he could not make a final return home in his last years.
Still, from his home in Orange County, California in the United States, he would never tire of urging students and younger colleagues to 'write dangerously', to use language to resist whatever oppressive order in which they found themselves. The bird would always take flight, he would say, if you could write without fear.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.
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