
Weekly economic wrap: Oil and rand on political seesaw
Never a dull moment on the economic front these days, it seems, as politics continue to affect oil prices and exchange rates.
What could have been a quiet week on the economic front turned out to be a political seesaw for the oil price as well as the rand, with the looming war in the Middle East first causing a substantial increase in oil prices, before the price receded again after a ceasefire was negotiated.
Tracey-Lee Solomon, economist at the Bureau for Economic Research (BER), says the week was marked by heightened domestic as well as international tensions. 'At home, friction intensified between the two largest parties in the government of national unity (GNU), the ANC and the DA, as public disagreements resurfaced.
'The DA later said that the dismissal of deputy minister for trade, industry and competition, Andrew Whitfield, stemmed from his participation in a DA-led trip to Washington undertaken without presidential approval.'
ALSO READ: Deputy Minister warns low-income countries will be hit hardest by geopolitical tensions
Will the Fed cut interest rates in the US?
In the US, Solomon says, the Federal Reserve (Fed) officials shared mixed but cautiously optimistic views on potential rate cuts, with Fed chair Jerome Powell saying a cut could occur 'sooner rather than later' if inflation remains controlled, but emphasised there is no urgency. Currently, markets expect a 25-basis-point cut in September.
She points out that the US attack and limited Iranian response meant that it was a volatile week in financial markets, but ultimately, many assets reverted to pre-strike levels, and in some cases, markets displayed even more risk-taking behaviour than before.
Bianca Botes, director at Citadel Global also says the ongoing conflict between the US President Donald Trump and Powell, has once again taken centre stage. 'The dispute, which has been simmering for many years, was reignited by Powell's testimony before Congress this week.
'Now that Trump is openly discussing replacing Powell, the issue has taken on heightened significance and the markets are bracing themselves for potential shifts in US monetary and interest rate policy, as well as questioning the independence of the most important central bank in the world.'
ALSO READ: Navigating economic headwinds of grey list and US tariffs – BLSA
Rand wins against the dollar again
'After briefly strengthening at the start of the week, the US dollar was trading about 2% weaker on Thursday after Trump said he might announce Powell's successor earlier than expected. For the rand, this meant a 2.0% appreciation against the greenback this week and minimal change against the UK pound sterling and euro,' Solomon says.
Botes says while the rand traded at R17.8673/$ following strong trade since Monday, the weakening is seen as a correction following breaks below key technical levels and nervousness around the latest DA-ANC spat.
Busisiwe Nkonki and Isaac Matshego, economists at the Nedbank Group Economic Unit, say the rand firmed further at the start of the week, in line with the broad trend in emerging market currencies, but weakened marginally on Thursday after news broke of Whitfield's dismissal.
'The local unit increased to R17.74/$ on Wednesday from R18.01 last Friday, but lost ground on Thursday to trade around R17.85 on Friday morning. The rand was trading at R17.81/$ on Friday afternoon.
ALSO READ: Global mining sector revenue fell by 3% in 2024, but gold revenues increased 15%
Commodity markets: Oil and gold decrease
In commodity markets, the alleviation of supply risk caused the Brent Crude Oil price to drop by almost 18% compared to the previous week. Solomon says that before the 12-day Iran-Israel war, prevailing expectations were for a supply surplus this year amid weak demand and rising OPEC+ production.
'Once the Strait of Hormuz closure threat was largely removed, markets reverted to pricing in this surplus.'
Meanwhile, the gold price declined by 1.3% this week as market tensions eased and calm returned. Solomon says despite gold trading steadily between $3 300 and $3 400 per ounce in recent weeks, the lack of upward movement does not signal a retreat from safe-haven assets.
'In fact, investors have turned to other precious metals, with platinum standing out. Platinum prices surged by 9% this week alone. In addition to supply and demand fundamentals, this is partly driven by its relative affordability compared to gold, making it an increasingly attractive alternative for investors.'
ALSO READ: What Israel–Iran conflict means for South African economy
Oil price holding while ceasefire holds
Nkonki and Matshego say the Brent Crude Oil price was around $71.50 per barrel on Friday morning, dropping further this week on indications that the ceasefire between Israel and Iran is holding and after Trump announced that US and Iranian negotiators would meet next week.
'The gold price also eased further on moderating geopolitical risks, easing to $3 285 an ounce on Friday morning, while platinum is softer at $1 376 an ounce.
Botes says West Texas Intermediary crude also rebounded to above $65.08/barrel on unexpected US crude inventory draws and strong demand signals. 'Geopolitical risks persisted, with Iran threatening the Strait of Hormuz (handling 20% of global liquified natural gas trade), while the expanded OPEC+ supply decisions and Canadian oil sands production added volatility. Goldman Sachs warned that Brent could surge to $110/barrel if Middle East disruptions escalate.'
In addition, she points out that the gold price moderated to $3,383.80/ounce, reaching a four-week low, as the Israel-Iran ceasefire appears to be holding and reduced safe haven demand. However, she says, lingering trade tensions and Fed rate cut expectations are still providing some support.
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Producer price index slows to 0.1% in May
Headline factory-gate inflation, measured by the Producer Price Index (PPI) for final manufactured goods, slowed to 0.1% in May 2025 from 0.5% in April.
Lebohang Namo, economist at the BER, says this was the lowest reading since November 2024. Food, beverages and tobacco products were the largest contributor (3.7%), while basic and fabricated metals (-12.3%) and chemicals, rubber and plastic products (-1.4%) were the largest detractors. On a monthly basis, PPI fell by 0.3% from 0.5% in April.
Nkonki and Matshego say the outcome was lower than their forecast of 0.8% and the market's of 0.7%. 'The downward pressure primarily came from coke, petroleum, chemicals, rubber and plastics. Deflation in this category deepened, with prices down 6.4%, after falling by 5.5% in April.
'The drag came from fuel prices, reflecting the impact of lower global oil prices and a firmer rand. Costs remained subdued or declined further in most other categories. The prices of most food products declined further, albeit at a slower pace. The only exception was meat prices, which rose by a relatively steep 10.5%.'
ALSO READ: Index reveals consumers are willing to spend money, but not too much
Consumer confidence seemed to recover from slump in first quarter
After plunging from -6 to -20 index points in the first quarter of 2025, the FNB/BER Consumer Confidence Index (CCI) rebounded to -10 in the second quarter. Namo says a number of adverse shocks knocked consumer sentiment during the first quarter, including the finance minister's (aborted) proposal to hike Vat by two percentage points, the fallout between the ANC and the DA about the budget, a brief return to stage 6 load shedding, souring diplomatic relations between South Africa and the US and Trump's alarming import tariff proposals.
'Consumer confidence is also still well below the average reading of -1 since 1994, signalling that consumers remain relatively pessimistic about the outlook for the economy and their household finances over the next twelve months.'
ALSO READ: Take-home pay slides for third month with grim job opportunities and earnings
Unemployment continued its upward trend
According to Statistics SA's Quarterly Employment Statistics, employment fell by 74 000 jobs (-0.7%) in March to just under 10.6 million formal sector jobs.
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The Herald
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Daily Maverick
8 hours ago
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MTN faces legal reckoning: Turkcell's $4.2 billion claim exposes alleged corruption and bribery
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South Africa has also enjoyed good relations with Iran. Crucially, this abstention was not an isolated incident. South Africa also abstained on similar resolutions in 2006, highlighting a consistent stance on the matter. Soule says Turkcell 'won the licence fair and square' and that MTN's conduct undermined the integrity of international business. 'This case is about accountability,' he says. 'And it belongs in a South African courtroom.' A strong rebuttal MTN, for its part, has always dismissed Turkcell's claims as 'a fabric of lies' and a 'frivolous shakedown'. Its legal team, speaking about background exclusively to Daily Maverick, continues to lean heavily on the Hoffmann Report – a 2013 internal investigation led by British judge Lord Leonard Hoffmann. This report found 'no conspiracy,' labelled Turkcell's key witness a 'fantasist' and said MTN executives were in the clear. It even found that although a $400,000 payment had been made to an Iranian intermediary, the money's purpose couldn't be determined – and was irrelevant to Turkcell's central claims. MTN also argues that Turkcell failed to comply with Iranian laws after a shift in government policy. 'They failed to adjust their shareholding in time,' MTN argues, 'and were lawfully excluded from the process.' As for the most salacious allegations – military gear and political favours – MTN says it would be impossible for its actions to have altered Iranian legislation or international diplomacy. The Hoffmann Report indicates that a general election took place in Iran on 20 February 2004, which resulted in a new parliament taking office in May 2004. This new Iranian parliament was overwhelmingly dominated by conservatives who opposed the government's policy of privatisation and foreign inward investment, particularly in relation to the cellphone service. The Single Article Act, designed to strengthen financial discipline, stemmed from this shift in parliamentary power. Snookered in ownership Following the Single Article Act, the parliament passed another significant piece of legislation in February 2005, known as the Irancell Act. This act imposed further conditions, requiring that 51% of the shares in the operating company be held by Iranian entities and that all board decisions require the approval of at least 50% of the shareholders. This was understood to be due to concerns about foreign entities becoming heavily involved in what was considered critical infrastructure in Iran. These legislative changes created significant obstacles for Turkcell, which had initially won the tender with a plan to control 70% of the shares. 'Turkcell was given multiple opportunities to negotiate with its existing partners to reach a compliant deal, but they didn't do that or they were not able to do that,' MTN's legal team argues. The team points to a specific deadline – 4 September 2004 – when the Ministry of Telecommunications demanded a compliant deal from Turkcell, which the Turkish company failed to deliver. 'Turkcell has never explained how MTN's [alleged] corrupt practices would have led to a change in national legislation,' MTN's lawyers emphasise, arguing that their client was simply better positioned to navigate Iran's evolving regulatory landscape. After Turkcell's 2012 US complaint, MTN commissioned the independent investigation led by Lord Hoffmann, a retired British Supreme Court judge. But Turkcell has 'strongly rejected MTN's repeated reliance on the Hoffmann Report', with Soule calling it 'unreliable and irrelevant' to current proceedings. The Turkish company has criticised the investigation, claiming: Conflicts of interest: Lord Hoffmann's daughter, Jennifer, worked for MTN Mobile Money during the relevant 2004-2006 period and also in the MTN Banking joint venture with Standard Bank, which was involved in the financial transfers. 'Lord Hoffmann had a huge conflict of interest,' Soule argues. Lack of independence: The committee was composed of MTN non-executive directors and used MTN's own external lawyers (Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer) instead of independent counsel. The committee even thanked the Islamic Republic of Iran for support – problematic given Iran's alleged involvement in the wrongdoing. Insufficient rigour: The committee didn't actually interview key witnesses like former MTN director in Iran Chris Kilowan, then commercial director Irene Charnley (to whom Jenny Hoffmann reported) or former MTN CEO Phuthuma Nhleko to determine credibility, relying only on written statements prepared with lawyers' help. The committee did not independently seek documents, relying instead on what MTN's lawyers provided. Turkcell characterises the report as essentially 'a PR exercise' to review curated evidence and reach predetermined conclusions. The company declined to participate owing to concerns about the committee's structure and independence. Where we are now In April this year, the Supreme Court of Appeal handed Turkcell what it called a 'procedural win' – confirming that South African courts do have jurisdiction to hear the matter. It dismissed MTN's argument that South Africa cannot police corporate misconduct committed abroad. 'Not on our watch' was how the court framed its message to South African firms doing business in murky waters. MTN is now seeking leave to appeal to the Constitutional Court in a last-ditch effort to stop the case from going to trial. Turkcell has filed its opposition. 'The report never seriously asked: what if we did do some of these things?' says Soule. 'It only asked: is Turkcell's story perfect?' MTN has argued that Iranian courts would offer a fair alternative venue for the dispute, but Turkcell has strongly rejected that suggestion. The Turkish company cites 'well-documented concerns regarding judicial independence and due process' in what it describes as a 'religious dictatorship where dissent is not tolerated'. More practically, Turkcell argues that Iranian courts wouldn't be able to compel MTN executives, who reside in South Africa, to appear and testify – a crucial limitation given the nature of the allegations. But the fact remains that Turkcell also refused to participate in the Hoffmann inquiry, claiming its witnesses would not be safe and due process could not be guaranteed in Iran. Although the Supreme Court of Appeal agreed that Iranian law would apply to aspects of the case, Turkcell sees this as its 'only and probably final opportunity' to get a substantive ruling on MTN's alleged misconduct. If it proceeds, this would become one of South Africa's most explosive corporate trials. MTN also faces what amounts to a 'reputational trial in the court of public opinion', regardless of the legal outcome. The company holds a 49% minority stake in Irancell, which it says is not under MTN Group's operational control. The case also highlights claims of a complex interplay between corporate interests and state foreign policy. President Cyril Ramaphosa served as MTN Group chairperson (a non-executive role) more than 12 years ago, resigning from the position in May 2013. But MTN asserts that any suggestion of improper benefit from his time at the company is 'false and misleading', and emphasises that it does not conduct business in alignment with government foreign policy. The Constitutional Court is expected to announce its decision on MTN's leave to appeal within the next three months. MTN's other Iran headache MTN just can't catch a break in the Middle East, with new scrutiny coming from the US. Congresswoman Elise Stefanik has written a letter urging Bank of New York Mellon (BNY Mellon) to investigate its ties with MTN. Her letter highlights concerns about MTN's links to Iran, Hamas and President Cyril Ramaphosa's finances. She calls for BNY Mellon to halt its role as the bank handling MTN's shares in the US, cooperate with US authorities, and disclose its involvement with MTN and its Iranian affiliates. A pending lawsuit, Zobay v MTN, accuses MTN of financing terrorism, as defined by the US Anti-Terrorism Act. Stefanik claims significant legal precedent exists, which MTN denies. Senior MTN executive Nompilo Morafo rejected Stefanik's claims in an interview with Daily Maverick, stating that the allegations have not been tested in court. Morafo also dismissed accusations against Ramaphosa, who chaired MTN 12 years ago, and insisted MTN has no operational control in Iran, holding only a minority share in Irancell. MTN says it 'remains committed to human rights', and its directors have pushed for a pivot to the company's pan-African strategy, despite litigation and pressure from US legislators. DM