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Texas's redistricting is a Republican power grab at the hands of Trump

Texas's redistricting is a Republican power grab at the hands of Trump

The Guardiana day ago
When Texas Republicans redrew their congressional map this month at the urging of Donald Trump, they faced a difficult task. They needed to find a way to pick up five seats that the president wanted ahead of the midterm elections next year without spreading their voters too thin and jeopardizing the 25 seats they already held.
Republicans unveiled their plan to pick up the seats on Wednesday, revealing a map that could dilute Hispanic voting power. Under the new proposed districts, they would be favored in five new seats, giving them a hold on 30 of Texas's 38 congressional districts. Had the district been in place for the 2024 election, Trump would have won all 30 by at least 10 points.
Republicans accomplished their goal by shifting district boundaries in three different parts of the state.
In south Texas, they shifted boundaries of congressional districts where Trump performed well in the 2024 elections, but are held by two Democrats, Henry Cuellar and Vicente Gonzalez. Trump won Cuellar's district by seven points and Gonzalez's districts by about four points in 2024. Had the proposed districts been in place in 2024, he would have won each by about 10 points.
In central Texas, the Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex, and Houston, Republicans eliminated three separate Democratic congressional districts with a similar approach. They packed Democratic voters into one or two districts and then attached the rest to newly drawn, heavily Republican areas.
It's an aggressive approach that gives Republicans a shot at picking up five seats, but doesn't necessarily guarantee they will get all five. Analysts believe that Cuellar – who faces federal bribery charges – and Gonzalez, are established enough incumbents that they could win in the new configurations of their districts.
'They didn't make the newly targeted, or the new seats targeted for pickups, as red as they could have,' said David Wasserman, a well-respected analyst at the Cook Political Report. 'Had Republicans drawn an uglier map, they could have basically guaranteed themselves five [seats].'
Here are the results of the 2024 presidential race in south-central Texas. The circles represent results by precinct – the bigger the circle, the bigger the margin of victory for either Democrats or Republicans.
Here are two of the congressional seats Democrats hold in the area. Kamala Harris easily carried both of them in November.
Republicans' new map packs Democrats into district 37 in Austin and another heavily Democratic district in San Antonio. It cracks the remaining Democrats in San Antonio into new GOP-friendly district 35 that Donald Trump would have won in November by 12 points.
Democrats hold three congressional districts in Dallas Fort Worth, here are two of them.
The proposed map packs Democratic voters into district 33 and another heavily Democratic district in Dallas. The remaining democrats are cracked into rural far-flung district 32 that Trump would have won by nearly 18 pts.
Guardian graphic. Sources: Redistricting Data Hub, Texas Legislative Council.
Republicans are redrawing the map amid a four-year legal battle over the districts that are already in place. That suit, filed by a coalition of Latino voting organizations, advocacy groups and voters, argues that Texas's current congressional map diminishes the influence of non-white voters, who accounted for 95% of the state's population growth.
'The current map is already egregiously gerrymandered,' said Marina Jenkins, the executive director of the National Democratic Redistricting Committee, which opposes the redraw in Texas. 'The proposed new gerrymander, and even more extreme gerrymander, adds even more insult to that injury, Black voters and Latino voters will have even less opportunity to have their political will considered on an equal basis.'
The new map replaces several districts where Hispanic and other non-white voters had been electing Democrats with majority-Hispanic districts that favor Republicans. It would increase the number of districts where white people comprise a majority from 22 to 24, according to an analysis by the Texas Tribune. It would also create an additional Hispanic-majority district, and two new Black-majority districts.
'The gambit by Republicans here is to actually increase the number of Hispanic majority districts in terms of population share, but to diminish the opportunities of Hispanic voters to elect their candidates of choice,' Wasserman said. 'Because there are a number of Hispanic majority districts where Democratic-leaning Hispanic voters will be outnumbered by a coalition of conservative Hispanic voters and white voters.'
Simply adding additional majority-Hispanic districts isn't enough to evade scrutiny under the Voting Rights Act, said Thomas A Saenz, the president and general counsel of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, which is representing plaintiffs challenging the existing maps. If certain conditions are met, the Voting Rights Act requires states to draw districts that give minority groups the chance to elect their preferred candidates.
'When a line drawer draws majority Latino district but in such a way that it knows will not actually elect the candidates of choice of the Latino community that may be a violation of the Voting Rights Act,' he said, speaking generally about the map. 'You can do that by picking areas with large Latino voting population but that historically has a lower voter turnout right others with large Latino population.'
'Pointing to the number of quote unquote majority Latino district does not remotely answer the question of whether you have violated the Voting Rights Act.'
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How bull---t took over our lives
How bull---t took over our lives

Telegraph

time16 minutes ago

  • Telegraph

How bull---t took over our lives

'One of the most salient features of our culture is that there is so much bull---t.' So begins American philosopher Harry Frankfurt's unexpectedly delightful essay, On Bull---t, first published in an academic journal in 1986 and later as a bestselling book in 2005. Today its message is even more resonant. Greta Thunberg may think we are living in a climate emergency, but what is clearer, if less trumpeted, is that we are living in a bulls--- emergency. Thanks to – among other things – the democratising effect of the internet, the resultant decline in deference to 'experts', rising scorn for the political establishment, online echo chambers, the blurring of fact and fiction online – a problem recognised in 1995, by the journalist John Diamond: 'The problem with the internet is everything is true'' – we live in a post-truth era. All these factors favour the liar, but they favour the bull---ter even more. How astute then of Princeton University Press to reissue Frankfurt's essay, in a 20th-anniversary edition the neat size and colour of Mao 's little red book. (You might carry it around in your pocket so that you too can become a bull---t detector.) Heaven knows that it's the superpower we need today: Frankfurt perhaps didn't know when he wrote those words how high the tide of bull---t would rise in the ensuing two decades. And he surely had no inkling that the defecatory business model of Thames Water would provide an obvious parallel for his subject. But what is bull---t and how is it different from lies? Frankfurt draws on philosopher Max Black's 1983 essay, The Prevalence of Humbug, to help make that distinction: 'humbug' is 'deceptive information, misrepresentation, short of lying, especially by pretentious word or deed, of somebody's own thoughts, feelings and attitudes'. For Frankfurt, bull---t is humbug's vulgar bastard sibling but somehow worse. That Frankfurt never really defines his key term beyond 'humbug' may seem a shortcoming. Or maybe not. Maybe bull---t is like what pornography was for the US Supreme Court Judge Potter Stewart who famously failed to define the term but added: 'I know it when I see it.' Likewise, we often sense bull---t. We recognise it when the government minister, asked about a policy about-turn, begins their reply: 'The prime minister has been very clear about this…', only to continue with some sub-Chat GPT dross that doesn't even start to address the question. Or when a police officer tells the media in tone-deaf boilerplate, 'Our thoughts and prayers are with the friends and family…'. We see it thriving in greenwashing ads for oil companies; virtue-signalling gender fluid sign-offs in flyers from estate agents; why the AI Overview at the top of your Google search is plausible but on closer examination obviously wrong. We see it, most topically, when Donald Trump, like an overtired toddler, bless him, issues a raging 4am caps-lock policy initiative on Truth Social – yet the following day announces something that contradicts his nuit blanche fever tweet. The great thing for Frankfurt about such bull---ters is that they are not liars – not quite. As he explains: '[The bull---ter] does not reject the authority of the truth, as the liar does, and oppose himself to it. He pays no attention to it at all. By virtue of this, bull---t is a greater enemy of truth than lies are.' At least liars, in principle, can be argued against, and their lies exposed. (What bull---ters and liars have in common, as Frankfurt recognised, is that they take the rest of us for mugs. True, some of us are attuned to bull---t, but not all of us and not always.) At the same time, the virtuoso of bull---t can be regarded as smart and deserving of promotion. In his sub-Machiavellian 1998 bestseller, The 48 Laws of Power, for instance, pop psychologist Robert Greene might have heralded bull---t. I imagine the 49th law of power should read as follows: any human seeking airtime, status and, in extremis, the big chair in the Oval Office, better become a bull---t artist. Frankfurt also quotes a passage from Eric Ambler's spy novel Dirty Story, in which a character relates the sage advice he got from his father: 'Never tell a lie when you can bull---t your way through.' Bull---t was certainly part of Trump's skill set before he was elected president. His butler, Anthony Senecal, related in a 2016 interview a particularly summative anecdote about the US president's relationship to truth: one day, Senecal was reading Trump's book The Art of the Deal, and was puzzled by a passage in which Trump mentioned that the tiles in the nursery of Mar-a-Lago, West Palm Beach club, had been personally made by Walt Disney. 'Is that really true?' the butler asked the billionaire. Trump replied: 'Who cares?' The great virtue of Frankfurt's book is that he called out such bull---t long before Trump and other populist bull---t artists got elected. That said, perhaps even Frankfurt, who died in 2023, might not have foreseen how central the art of bull---t would be to his president's second term. Consider more recent Trumpisms: during last year's presidential race, he claimed illegal immigrants were eating pets. In March this year, speaking at a joint session of Congress, he alleged that the Biden administration had spent '$8m for making mice transgender'. The claims had journalists scurrying around like, well, transgender mice (if such rodents exist) to debunk or substantiate the claims. But, in a sense they missed the point. The truths of these matters – most likely that there are no transgender mice nor pet-eating illegal immigrants – didn't matter. What Trump did here was apply his former adviser Steve Bannon's notion of 'flooding the zone' with bull---t, in order to occupy the media's time and effort, which in itself takes a kind of genius. Since he wrote On Bull---t, other intellectuals have extended Frankfurt's analysis. Among them was the late American anarchist anthropologist David Graeber who, in his jolly 2013 piece, 'On the Phenomenon of Bull---t Jobs', paid tribute to Frankfurt's essay. Graeber's all-too-convincing argument was that many of us are working in jobs that are bull---t: 'A world without teachers or dock-workers would soon be in trouble. But it's not entirely clear how humanity would suffer were all private equity CEOs, lobbyists, PR researchers, actuaries, telemarketers, bailiffs or legal consultants to similarly vanish.' (When I interviewed him, Graeber conceded that some might argue that his own work is bull---t. He didn't include book reviewers like me as bull---t artists, but he could have done.) In 2018, philosopher George Lakoff proposed an anti-bull---t remedy for journalists called the truth sandwich. Confronted by the quotidian pump of Trumpian bull---t, the thing to do is not to repeat it. Or if one did repeat it, envelope it in – as it were – the nourishing bread of truth. As you may have noticed, that hasn't happened: the hopeful notion that we might have reached peak bull---t has been disproved by politicians ever since – from Boris Johnson's stints at the No 10 Covid lectern to risibly gaudy yet impotent threats against Israel and the US from Iran's supreme leader. The foregoing may seem to suggest only men do bull---t. Not so. Think of Liz Truss who, in her hilariously self-serving memoir, wrote of her battles with proponents of trans rights: 'I am not prepared to leave the field until the battle is won.' Pure bull---t, especially from someone who left the battlefield as prime minister after 49 days of chaos at Number 10. Meanwhile, journalist Matthew d'Ancona has argued that the post-truth era was only made possible by Sigmund Freud. In psychoanalysis, he claimed, the imperative is to treat the patient successfully, irrespective of the facts. 'Sharing your innermost feelings, shaping your life-drama, speaking from the heart: these pursuits are increasingly in competition with traditional forensic values.' Truth, in other words, is the leading victim in the spread of therapeutic culture. Frankfurt's essay concludes similarly: we have given up the ideal of correctness for that of sincerity, he claimed. He wrote: 'Convinced that reality has no inherent nature, which he might hope to identify as the truth about things, [the individual] devotes himself to being true to his own nature. It is as though he decides that since it makes no sense to try to be true to the fact, he must therefore be true to himself.' In that sense, Trump is the Humpty Dumpty of politics. Consider Alice Through the Looking Glass, where Lewis Carroll has Alice observe: 'The question is whether you can make words mean so many different things.' Humpty Dumpty retorts: 'The question is, which is to be master – that's all.' Power and mastery are all. Truth is beside the bull---ter's point. It's a sign of our cynical jaded times that even some of the president's fans know not to expect truth from him. No wonder, then, what happened in Selma, North Carolina in April 2022: 'I think I'm the most honest human being, perhaps, that God ever created,' Trump told a rally. His remark was greeted with laughter in the crowd. An equally valid reaction would have been: 'Bull---t!'

Blow for Trump's ICE raids as court upholds ban on snatching people based on appearance or job
Blow for Trump's ICE raids as court upholds ban on snatching people based on appearance or job

The Independent

timean hour ago

  • The Independent

Blow for Trump's ICE raids as court upholds ban on snatching people based on appearance or job

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