
Women clinch top two positions in civil services exam, UP's Shakti Dubey is ranked 1st
Shakti Dubey, a biochemistry graduate from University of Allahabad, secured the first rank in the UPSC examination.
The second position was secured by Harshita Goyal, a Chartered Accountant and MS University of Baroda graduate.
Pune's Archit Parag Dongre, a Bachelor of Technology graduate in electrical and electronics engineering from Vellore Institute of Technology (VIT), Tamil Nadu, secured third rank in the highly competitive examinations.
While last year, Lucknow-based Aditya Srivastava, a trainee Indian Police Service officer, had topped the civil services examination, in the previous two years, women candidates had dominated.
Dubey, who is from Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh, cracked the UPSC on her very first attempt. She qualified for the examination with political science and international relations as her optional subject, while Goyal also qualified for the exam with political science and international relations as her optional subject.
Dongre had philosophy as his optional subject, according to the UPSC.
Shah Margi Chirag, who has a Bachelor of Engineering degree in computer engineering from Gujarat Technological University, Ahmedabad, secured the fourth rank with sociology as her optional subject.
Aakash Garg, who has a Bachelor of Technology degree in computer science from the Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University, Delhi, got the fifth rank with sociology as his optional subject.
The top 25 candidates comprise 11 women and 14 men.
A total of 9,92,599 candidates applied for the UPSC examination, out of which 5,83,213 candidates actually appeared in the test. A total of 14,627 candidates qualified for appearance in the written (main) examination, which was held in September 2024. Out of these, 2,845 candidates qualified for the personality test or interview, which were held between January 7 and April 17 this year.
Of them, 1,009 candidates -- 725 men and 284 women -- have been recommended by the UPSC for appointment to various services.
Out of the total successful candidates, 335 are from the general category, 109 from the economically weaker sections, 318 from other backward classes, 160 from scheduled castes and 87 from scheduled tribes, according to the commission.
The recommended candidates also include 45 persons with benchmark disability, comprising 12 orthopedically handicapped, eight visually challenged, 16 hearing impaired, and nine with multiple disabilities, it said.
The civil services examination is conducted annually in three stages -- preliminary, main and interview -- by the UPSC to select officers of the Indian Administrative Service (IAS), Indian Foreign Service (IFS) and Indian Police Service (IPS) among others.
The civil services (preliminary) examination 2024 was conducted on June 16 last year.
The government has reported 1,129 vacancies -- 180 in IAS, 55 in IFS, 147 in IPS, 605 posts in different central Group A services and 142 in Group B services -- to be filled through the civil services examination 2024.
The candidature of 241 recommended candidates has been kept provisional, the UPSC said, adding that the result of one candidate has been withheld.
Another 230 successful candidates have been put on a reserve list, the commission said.
The UPSC has a 'Facilitation Counter' near the examination hall on its campus in Delhi. Candidates can obtain information or clarification regarding their exams or recruitment on all working days between 10 am and 5 pm in person or over the phone by dialling 23385271/23381125/23098543, it said.
The result will also be available on the UPSC website - www.upsc.gov.in - and the marks will be available on the website within 15 days from the date of declaration of the result, the statement added.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
Pradhan visits HAL facility in Koraput, CUO
1 2 Koraput: Union education minister Dharmendra Pradhan began his two-day visit to Koraput district on Saturday with a visit to the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) engine and component manufacturing unit at Sunabeda. Emphasising its strategic importance in national defence, Pradhan called for development of a HAL-based MSME cluster to spur employment and entrepreneurship in the region. He urged HAL to collaborate with IIT Madras and Central University of Odisha (CUO) to offer diploma and undergraduate programmes in aerospace, defenc, and related sectors. "The objective is to develop a skilled workforce with domain expertise and promote innovation from the school level," he said. Pradhan also advised establishment of HAL-sponsored STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) laboratories in schools across Koraput, Malkangiri, Nabarangpur and Rayagada districts. "The laboratories would provide early exposure to scientific disciplines and lay the groundwork for future careers in technology," he said. Applauding HAL Koraput's contributions to the aviation sector — particularly its role in manufacturing components for MIG and Sukhoi aircraft — Pradhan said the unit has been instrumental in India's self-reliance in defence and aerospace. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like local network access control Expertinspector Learn More Undo In alignment with Prime Minister Narendra Modi's 'Vocal for Local' mission, the minister encouraged HAL to support the promotion of Koraput Coffee, Kotpad handloom and the region's tribal heritage to strengthen local identity and boost the rural economy. Later in the day, Pradhan visited CUO campus in Sunabeda, where he inaugurated hostels and staff quarters and laid the foundation stone for an infrastructure project aimed at transforming the institute. A total of Rs 750 crore has been sanctioned for campus development. To elevate the university to global standards, an MoU was signed between six centrally funded higher education institutes in Odisha — CUO, IIT Bhubaneswar, IIM Sambalpur, NIT Rourkela, IISER Berhampur and National Sanskrit University, Puri. Updating the status of academic staff, Pradhan said 70 posts have recently been filled and CUO aims to fill at least 130 out of sanctioned 153 teaching positions in the next year. He also announced that CUO will introduce new diploma and undergraduate courses in artificial intelligence, machine learning and agri-business from the next academic year.


India Today
2 hours ago
- India Today
Trump says TikTok deal talks with China could begin next week
US President Donald Trump said that discussions with China over a potential deal involving TikTok are expected to start as early as Monday or Tuesday. Speaking aboard Air Force One, Trump said the US "pretty much" has a deal in place and suggested talks could include Chinese President Xi Jinping or a representative.'I think we're gonna start Monday or Tuesday talking to China, perhaps President Xi or one of his representatives, but we pretty much have a deal,' Trump said. advertisementHe also mentioned the possibility of a personal meeting with Xi, saying either leader might travel to the other's country after they extended mutual invitations last month. The announcement comes after Trump signed his third executive order, delaying the enforcement of a potential ban on TikTok in the US. This order gives its China-based parent company, ByteDance, until September 17 to finalise the divestiture of its US operations. The popular short-video app has over 170 million users in the United States.A deal to spin off TikTok's US business into a new, majority American-owned company had been progressing earlier this year but was stalled after China pushed back, particularly in the wake of Trump's announcement of new tariffs on Chinese imports. Trump acknowledged that any final deal would likely need Beijing's asked about China's willingness to agree, Trump said, 'I'm not confident, but I think so.' 'President Xi and I have a great relationship. I think the deal is good for China and good for us,' he responded with a statement thanking both President Trump and Vice President JD Vance, pledging to continue working with Vance's office to finalize an first intervened in the matter shortly after returning to office, following a Supreme Court ruling upholding the TikTok ban. He issued an initial executive order, followed by a second one in April, setting a June 19 deadline. The latest extension, issued in June, marks the third delay, giving ByteDance another 90 days to reach a deal or face a US ban.- Ends


News18
2 hours ago
- News18
SCO Or 'Strategic Complicity Organisation'? India's Fight Against Double Standards
Last Updated: China and Pakistan's growing nexus is systematically undermining India's security and strategic space The recent Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) meeting held in Qingdao, China, on June 25-26, 2025, once again exposed the deepening strategic nexus between China and Pakistan —and their growing antagonism towards India. The meeting concluded without a joint communiqué after India refused to endorse a final statement that excluded any reference to the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack in Jammu and Kashmir, which killed 26 innocent civilians. New Delhi had insisted on including the attack, which was claimed by The Resistance Front (TRF), a proxy of the Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba. However, Pakistan, with China's tacit backing, blocked any mention of it—mirroring an earlier episode at the United Nations Security Council on April 30, where Pakistan and China successfully lobbied to remove TRF's name from an official UNSC statement. Despite credible intelligence linking TRF to the attack, and the group itself claiming responsibility via a social media post, the final UNSC statement was deliberately diluted. Pakistan's Foreign Minister, Ishaq Dar, even publicly admitted that Islamabad had pushed for the exclusion of TRF's name—an act that indirectly confirms Pakistan's awareness and complicity of the group's involvement. These actions reveal a deliberate and coordinated strategy by China and Pakistan, with Beijing actively shielding Islamabad—a state sponsor of terrorism against India—from international accountability. By obstructing efforts to address cross-border terrorism and weakening multilateral counterterrorism mechanisms, they pose a direct threat to India's national security and diplomatic interests. The Expanding China-Pakistan Strategic Nexus sharing real-time satellite-based ISR (Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance) data with Islamabad. China has integrated its ISR networks with Pakistan's, deploying defence satellites and assisting in reorganising Pakistan's radar and air defence systems. During Operation Sindoor in May 2025 —launched in the aftermath of the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack—China not only supplied intelligence on Indian targets but also reportedly helped redeploy Pakistan's radar coverage to better monitor Indian military movements. According to strategic analyst Iqbal Chand Malhotra, this joint ISR and missile cooperation 'underscores a calculated shift toward integrated defence coordination to counter India", reaffirming that China views Pakistan as an extension of its strategic depth. Pakistan's Defence Minister Khawaja Asif confirmed the intelligence-sharing arrangement, calling it 'very normal" given the regional security climate. Supporting this, a research group under India's Ministry of Defence noted that China's satellite capabilities and technical expertise significantly enhanced Pakistan's ability to detect Indian deployments. Additionally, Pakistan deployed Chinese-made PL-15 air-to-air missiles during the skirmish. Although these were intercepted by Indian defence systems, the deployment of these advanced missiles—likely including the export variant PL-15E mounted on J-10C and JF-17 fighter aircraft—demonstrates the deepening military interoperability between the two nations. Now, in a deeply alarming development, China is preparing to supply Pakistan with fifth-generation fighter jets—at a 50% discounted rate. This is not a routine defence sale. It reflects Beijing's intent to further militarise Pakistan and destabilise India's strategic balance. Clearly, China considers Pakistan an extension of its strategic apparatus in South Asia, using it as a proxy to counter and constrain India. Beijing pursues a comprehensive and integrated strategic approach. It uses every tool available—diplomatic, military, and economic—while leveraging allies like Pakistan to systematically box India into the South Asian theatre. India, however, has often made the mistake of treating these threats in isolation—formulating separate defence strategies for China and Pakistan, when in fact they are increasingly acting as one coordinated entity. India's Pushback at the SCO India's Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, refusing to sign the SCO communiqué, made a decisive stand—reviewing the document carefully on-site and rejecting superficial commitments to anti-terrorism. Footage from the summit shows Singh intently studying the document—clearly aware of the diplomatic trap laid for India. Singh stated firmly: 'Terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, including its cross-border nature, should be condemned in clear terms. There should be no place for double standards in dealing with terrorists." He further warned that 'some countries use cross-border terrorism as an instrument of their state policy and provide shelter to terrorists. These states should be held accountable." These pointed remarks were widely interpreted as a clear rebuke to Pakistan and its enabler, China. Unfortunately, some voices within India have mischaracterised this as a failure of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's foreign policy. Such interpretations are misplaced and fail to account for the broader strategic context. The current global environment is far more complex, with China and Pakistan actively coordinating to undermine India's interests, making diplomacy increasingly challenging. China, emboldened by its global ambitions, is using Pakistan as a strategic weapon against India. The SCO, hosted by China, reflects this imbalance. India cannot control the behaviour of adversarial states—especially when the host country is itself complicit. This blatant double standard exposes their coordinated agenda and willingness to manipulate multilateral platforms for geopolitical gains. Critics must understand that India's foreign policy does not operate in a vacuum, nor is New Delhi the sole actor on the global stage directing the actions of others. On a geopolitical landscape marked by shifting alliances, asymmetric threats, and strategic deception, many external variables remain beyond India's control. What truly matters is that India continues to assert its national interests, reject duplicity, and hold accountable those who attempt to whitewash terrorism under the pretext of regional cooperation. China's Hollow Rhetoric vs Hostile Actions China continues to peddle diplomatic slogans like the 'shared Asian Century", the 'Dragon-Elephant Dance", and the Russia-India-China (RIC) framework. However, these lofty ideas are consistently contradicted by its actions—shielding Pakistan-based terrorists, arming Pakistan with advanced military hardware, and obstructing regional cooperation on counterterrorism. From betraying Nehru in 1962 despite the 'Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai" rhetoric to the deadly Galwan Valley clash in June 2020, where 20 Indian soldiers were martyred, China has repeatedly acted in bad faith, even while professing partnership and regional unity. China's primary objective remains clear: to contain India's rise, limit its strategic space, and ensure that New Delhi remains preoccupied with continental security challenges rather than expanding its maritime influence in the Indian Ocean. Even if the border dispute between India and China were to be resolved, the underlying geopolitical and geostrategic rivalry would persist, as both powers are rising within the same strategic space and their spheres of influence overlap. Those who dismiss the relevance of 'spheres of influence" in contemporary geopolitics should reflect on recent history: Russia's invasion of Ukraine was driven by its perception that NATO was encroaching on its strategic space. Similarly, China's use of Pakistan and other regional actors to counterbalance India is a clear manifestation of this thinking in the South Asian context. Beijing's worldview is rooted in realpolitik, shaped by centuries of geopolitical thought and strategic tradition, including the oft-cited belief among Chinese strategists that 'two tigers cannot live on the same mountain". The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), for instance, is more than an infrastructure project; it embodies China's ambition to reshape global power structures and extend its influence across continents. It reflects not only a deep pride in China's strategic heritage but also a long-term vision for global leadership. The SCO's Shifting Power Dynamics The very raison d'être of the SCO—counterterrorism—has come under serious question. Despite housing a dedicated anti-terrorism mechanism known as the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS), the SCO today is dominated by China and Pakistan, both of whom routinely block any attempt to acknowledge or act against terror groups targeting India. This contradiction has undermined the credibility of the organisation. As External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar recently pointed out, 'India wanted a reference to terrorism in the outcome document of the defence ministers' meeting, but it was not acceptable to one country". He further stated, 'If you can't get everybody to agree on something as basic as terrorism, then it calls into question what the SCO stands for." India joined the SCO in 2017, largely at the invitation of Russia, which at the time aimed to balance China's growing dominance within the organisation. However, since the Russia-Ukraine war, Moscow has become increasingly dependent on Beijing, and its ability to counterbalance China within the SCO has significantly diminished. As a result, China and Pakistan have consolidated their influence, often sidelining India's interests. Nevertheless, India continues to actively engage bilaterally with Central Asian countries and does not rely solely on the SCO framework. The organisation remains one of several platforms for regional diplomacy, and India views it as part of a broader and diversified engagement strategy with Eurasia. Conclusion India must stop viewing the China-Pakistan axis through fragmented lenses. These two countries are acting in coordination to constrain India's rise and dilute its strategic autonomy. New Delhi must adopt an integrated strategic doctrine to confront this dual threat. China's diplomatic overtures—be it talk of shared prosperity, Asian solidarity, or multilateral dialogue—must be scrutinised against its actions. India must forcefully and clearly convey that Beijing's consistent use of Pakistan to pursue its anti-India agenda is unacceptable. China's protection of destabilising non-state actors, defence proliferation, and ISR integration with Pakistan directly undermine India's security and sovereignty. top videos View all The road ahead requires strategic clarity, national unity, and a willingness to call out hypocrisy on the global stage. As India's stature continues to grow, its neighbourhood will become increasingly challenging—particularly with hostile nexuses like that of China and Pakistan working in tandem. It is time India acknowledged this reality and acted accordingly. Imran Khurshid is Associate Research Fellow, ICPS, New Delhi, and Adjunct Research Fellow, Peninsula Foundation. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : China defence pakistan SCO Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: July 06, 2025, 01:40 IST News opinion Opinion | SCO Or 'Strategic Complicity Organisation'? India's Fight Against Double Standards