Bangladesh Coup: A Year Later, What Has Changed & When Are Elections Due?
Protests began on July 1, 2024, with university students demanding reforms to the quota system for public sector jobs. The movement culminated on August 5, 2024, when thousands of protesters stormed Hasina's palace as she escaped by helicopter. During the unrest, demonstrators set fire to police stations and government buildings.
Hasina's former official residence is now being converted into a museum as a lasting reminder of her 'autocratic" rule.
According to the United Nations, around 1,400 people were killed between July and August 2024 during the protests.
Hasina has since been formally indicted for crimes against humanity by the country's International Crimes Tribunal.
What Has Changed?
After assuming power, the Yunus-led administration formed 11 reform commissions, including a National Consensus Commission, which is working with major political parties to shape future governments and the electoral process.
However, bickering political parties have so far failed to reach a consensus on a timetable and procedure for the elections. Mob violence, political attacks on rival groups, and rising hostility towards women's rights and minority communities—especially by religious hardliners—have surged.
While some of the repression and fear that marked Hasina's rule, including widespread enforced disappearances, appear to have ended, rights groups allege that the new government is using arbitrary detentions to target perceived political opponents, particularly Hasina's supporters. Many have reportedly been forced into hiding.
Hasina's Awami League party, which remains banned, claims that over two dozen of its supporters have died in custody over the past year.
In a statement on July 30, Human Rights Watch said the interim government 'is falling short in implementing its challenging human rights agenda." The organisation noted that violations against ethnic and other minority groups have continued in parts of Bangladesh.
When Will Elections Be Held?
In a national address ahead of Eid al-Adha in June, Yunus announced that Bangladesh's national elections would be held in the first half of April 2026.
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The Hindu
29 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Bangladesh, a year after Sheikh Hasina's ouster
Bangladesh today is abysmally different from the trajectory promised to the people by Professor Muhammad Yunus when he was sworn in (August 8, 2024) as Chief Adviser of the Interim Government. Many myths have been shattered. The first myth that has unravelled is that Sheikh Hasina's ouster was the result of a 'spontaneous students' uprising'. It is now accepted that the 'meticulously designed' regime change operation was the handiwork of the Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), the radical Islamist political party that fought against the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. In 2024, as in 1971, the JeI was strongly supported by Pakistan, backed by key external powers including the United States and China. The JeI is the power behind the Chief Adviser, controlling every decision. The second myth concerns the legitimacy and constitutional validity of the Yunus-led regime. On August 8, 2024 they took the oath of allegiance to the Constitution of Bangladesh. However, this Constitution has no provision for an interim government. Even though the Bangladesh High Court (on December 17, 2024) restored the system of caretaker government, the Yunus-led Interim Government cannot be considered a caretaker government. The Yunus regime has violated the mandated neutrality and non-party requirements of the caretaker government. Members of the Hizb-ut Tahrir, Islami Andolan Bangladesh, and Hefazat-e-Islam have been included as advisers in his regime. In a tweet (now deleted), one of the advisers expressed their desire to establish a caliphate in Bangladesh based on Sharia law, and even spoke about a civil war to achieve this goal. The strongly Islamist ideological leanings and objectives of those who hold the reins of power in Bangladesh have alienated them from the people. An election delaying tactic The third myth relates to the raison d'etre of any interim government. Its mandate can only be to ensure that free, fair and inclusive elections are organised within the specified 90-day period, with the participation of all registered political parties. An interim regime is not authorised to take any major decisions, especially those with constitutional significance or implications. Such decisions can be taken only by an elected parliament. Instead of preparing for elections, the Yunus-led interim regime has initiated a reform process, insisting that this must be completed before the elections. It has set up reform commissions for the Constitution, for electoral reforms, and for police reforms, among others. The JeI is the key protagonist of these reforms, which it hopes will boost its vote share far above the meagre 5% to 10% it has been receiving. This so-called reform process is merely an excuse to delay the elections, a step strongly opposed by the Army and by major political parties such as the Bangladesh Nationalist Party which are insisting that elections be held by December 2025. This issue is now rapidly coming to a head, and election dates may be announced very soon. Led by the JeI, the interim regime is unleashing unspeakable violence on the people. Prime targets are the non-Muslim minorities (Hindus, Christians, Buddhists) as well as Muslim religious minorities (Sufis and Ahmadiyyas). Equally vicious has been the violence unleashed against Awami League members and their supporters. Every statue, every building, every institution associated with the Liberation War of 1971 has been destroyed. Over the months, as this violence has continued unabated, with varying degrees of ferocity, a huge backlash has built up among the people. Awami Leaguers have been jailed in large numbers or just brutally slaughtered. In May 2025, all Awami League activities were banned. While Sheikh Hasina is being tried on charges of ordering attacks on students (during the unrest of July-August 2024), there is deliberate amnesia about the burning and looting (by the mobs) of 400 police thanas across Bangladesh, followed by the killing of policemen in the hundreds, even thousands, using these looted weapons. The decision by the interim regime to indemnify itself and all 'the students and people who actively took part in the mass uprising of July-August' against harassment or arrest has been sharply criticised within and outside Bangladesh. A party, its disconnect The 'students' party, the National Citizen Party (NCP), formed in February 2025, is dubbed the King's Party, owing direct allegiance to Mr. Yunus. So far, the party has no legal status since it is not registered with the Election Commission. At first it included erstwhile members or sympathisers of the Islami Chhatra Shibir (students' wing of the JeI) and claims 'it was established to fight for the rights of the student community'. Yet, it has little or no following among university students. On July 16, 2025, NCP leaders held a rally in Gopalgunj, the hometown of the Father of the Nation, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, with the reported intention of desecrating his mausoleum in Tungipara. The NCP was strongly resisted by the local people, staunch supporters of the Awami League. The Bangladesh Army is said to have supported the NCP by firing on unarmed civilians, resulting in the loss of several lives. The Gopalgunj incident has caused a furore, with dissatisfaction against the NCP and the Interim regime reaching new highs. A complaint has now been filed with the United Nations, describing this as a genocidal attack on the people of Bangladesh. Important institutions of state such as the judiciary, the central bank and even the media have been compromised. In August 2024, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and the Governor of the Bangladesh Bank were surrounded by mobs and forced to resign. This pattern of mobocracy soon became the norm. Strict media control has been ensured by peremptorily taking over media houses. Journalists have been imprisoned since the early days of the interim regime, many on charges of murder. Many have lost their jobs, and face penury. This massive clampdown on an otherwise vibrant and comparatively free media has allowed the interim regime to peddle its own version of events to the global media. Economic distress, a patient India However, it is difficult to hide the overwhelming economic distress being faced by the people. Growth rates have halved from the robust 6% and more per annum, that was the norm under Sheikh Hasina. Factories have shut down due to poor supply chain management, resulting in joblessness and hyper-inflation. In July 2025, Bangladesh Bank highlighted continuing macroeconomic challenges due to 'persistent inflation, uncertainties associated with the forthcoming elections, slowing economic growth and stagnant private investment'. The economic distress is, in many ways, the direct result of the foreign policy goals set by the Yunus regime. As can be expected, the JeI is not averse to the moniker, 'client state of Pakistan', that is increasingly used for Bangladesh. The events of July-August 2024 were preceded and accompanied by vicious anti-India propaganda. Harsh criticism of Sheikh Hasina as a 'fascist dictator' was invariably followed by blaming India for the state of affairs in Bangladesh. The mutually beneficial trade and economic partnership between these two neighbouring countries was criticised as being one-sided and unfair. One year of this unrelenting barrage has now boomeranged on the Yunus regime. Public opinion has turned against it because, except for words, it has provided no succour to the people of Bangladesh. Across the nation, the shared refrain openly describes the 'earlier times' as 'being better', including the benefits to Bangladesh of their strong economic, trade and investment links with India. India has shown a lot of patience in dealing with the interim regime. In August 2024, India had conveyed its willingness to continue with and build upon its links with Bangladesh. In April 2025, during the bilateral meeting with Mr. Yunus, Prime Minister Narendra Modi reiterated India's support for a democratic, stable, peaceful, progressive and inclusive Bangladesh, enunciating India's people-centric approach to the relationship. Unfortunately, the hand of friendship was rebuffed. Now, a new grouping of China, Pakistan and Bangladesh is sought to be created. Bangladesh must have early free, fair and inclusive elections under a new caretaker government. India is confident that the new elected government, one that truly reflects the wishes of the people of Bangladesh, will work to re-establish a cordial and mutually beneficial relationship with India. Veena Sikri is a former High Commissioner of India to Bangladesh
India Today
44 minutes ago
- India Today
Did Muhammad Yunus doom Bangladesh's democratic future?
One year ago, the skies over Dhaka blazed not with celebration, but with fire. In the days leading up to 5 August 2024, Bangladesh was in open revolt. As Sheikh Hasina fled the country by helicopter - driven out by an overwhelming wave of student-led protests and a nation wearied by authoritarianism — it appeared, for a fleeting moment, that genuine change had arrived. The streets erupted in Democracy, it seemed, was within reach. Yet twelve months on, hope has given way to uncertainty. Violent communal unrest, deepening youth unemployment, a resurgent Islamist movement, and an overstretched interim government have together stalled Bangladesh's revolution in a dangerous state of limbo. A Revolution Without DirectionThe uprising that shook the country was never just about quotas for government jobs. It was about years of pent-up frustration - a sidelined youth, silenced dissent, and an economy that benefited only the privileged few. The civil service quota reform protests were merely the spark. The explosion was long than half of civil service roles were reserved for groups including women, families of war veterans, and the disabled. But beneath the figures lay a deeper discontent: the widespread belief that Bangladesh's meritocracy had been dismantled - and that in Hasina's Bangladesh, hard work held no costs were catastrophic. According to the United Nations, over 1,400 people lost their lives in the July–August 2024 uprising. Streets became warzones. Police stations were set ablaze. Students were gunned down. Entire neighbourhoods were reduced to rubble. This wasn't merely a protest — it was a that void stepped Muhammad Yunus - Nobel laureate, microfinance pioneer, and the reluctant head of an interim regime. Backed by elements within the military and opposition leaders, Yunus promised a national reset: eleven reform commissions, national unity, and a pathway to Meets ParalysisYet democracy requires more than ousting the old guard — it demands the creation of something new. And there, Bangladesh continues to flounder. The student movement that dismantled Hasina's regime now finds itself sidelined. Political parties that were expected to usher in a new chapter - including the BNP - remain gridlocked over election timing. The interim government insists on April; the BNP demands February. There is no consensus. No roadmap. Just the economy is disintegrating. The youth who marched in the streets — the unemployed, the desperate, the hopeful - remain suspended in limbo. Today, around 30% of Bangladeshi youth are neither in employment nor education or training. Among women, unemployment sits at 23%, with even higher figures in rural regions, where farms struggle and factories economic backbone — its garment industry - is haemorrhaging. The Beximco Group, one of the nation's largest conglomerates, has shut down over a dozen factories, resulting in over 40,000 job losses. Business leaders linked to the previous regime have either been imprisoned or fled. Trade unions have warned of systemic collapse. No relief has make matters worse, the global stage has turned hostile. Late last year, the United States imposed a crippling 35% tariff on Bangladeshi garment exports. More recently, another 20% tariff was introduced — and foreign aid has dried up. Over 20,000 development workers have lost their jobs. Foreign investors are summits and training schemes, the interim government has failed to restore economic confidence. Private investment has dipped from 24% to 22.5% of GDP. Hope is evaporating - and so is forward Deferred, Divisions DeepenedNowhere is the collapse more keenly felt than among the young students and workers who risked everything a year ago. They marched for dignity, fairness, and a better future. Today, many are unemployed, unheard, and increasingly unsure of why they fought at the failures of the transition are not just economic - they are moral. In the vacuum left behind by Hasina's fall, a new threat has emerged: Islamist like Jamaat-e-Islami, long banned from public life, are now staging enormous rallies. Their rhetoric is louder, more militant, and more visible than at any point in the past decade. And they are not merely shouting. They are acting - within communities, in the streets, and through rising acts of Hasina's departure, there has been an alarming spike in anti-Hindu violence. Over 1,000 incidents were reported within weeks of the collapse. Mobs looted homes, burned down businesses, and desecrated more than 150 temples. Twenty-three Hindus were killed. Thousands have been displaced.A State Retreating From Its PeopleThe state has largely remained silent. Police presence was minimal. Arrests were scarce. Justice - even scarcer. While the interim government acknowledges 88 major communal incidents between August and October 2024, human rights organisations estimate the real figure is significantly attacks have largely been traced to radical Islamist groups emboldened by the power vacuum. With the secular Awami League gone, Bangladesh's minorities - especially Hindus - now find themselves it's not only Hindus. Sufi shrines have been desecrated. Secular bloggers hounded. Women's rights groups threatened. Bangladesh's already delicate pluralism is being ripped apart by a surge of majoritarianism and populist religious warn that any future government — whether the BNP, a student-led coalition, or another alliance - may be forced to pander to these Islamist forces. That would likely mean rolling back reforms, watering down human rights protections, and suffocating dissent even repeated denials from the interim government, on-the-ground reports suggest radical clerics now hold more influence in many villages than state officials. In some areas, they are reportedly intimidating voters, silencing opposition voices, and usurping state authority is not a democracy in progress - it is a democracy in Are the Reformers Now?With the Awami League dismantled and the machinery of the state in chaos, minority communities are leaving. Some flee to India. Others disappear into Dhaka's sprawling slums. The homes, businesses, and temples they leave behind are often the original student revolutionaries are splintering. Some have entered politics, demanding a new constitution before elections are held. Their platform calls for secularism, equal rights, and meaningful reform. They refuse to participate in elections without these is a bold position - but one rooted in reality. The system that collapsed with Hasina's exit was broken long before her helicopter lifted off. Cosmetic changes will not suffice.A Nation at the EdgeSo where does Bangladesh go from here? The options are few and fraught. Rush elections — and risk violence, low turnout, or a chaotic mandate. Delay them — and invite accusations of dictatorship and interim government must walk a tightrope. It cannot appease all factions, but it must restore legitimacy before collapse becomes that brings us back to the core question: was it worth it?The revolution brought down a powerful regime. It was born of hope — for justice, dignity, and democracy. But in the aftermath has come only disorder: broken promises, rising extremism, economic are not judged by what they destroy — but by what they create. One year after Bangladesh sought to reset its future, that reset remains unfinished. The ideals of equality, tolerance, and opportunity are still out of as the promise remains unfulfilled, the next generation — the ones who risked everything - may lose faith. The story of Bangladesh is not over. But it stands at a critical juncture. The decisions taken in the months ahead — about elections, reforms, and justice — will determine whether this remains a nation in transition, or devolves into protesters climbed the palace roof last August, they didn't just bring down a ruler. They raised the bar of expectation. If those expectations collapse - the next fall may be far more dangerous.- EndsTune InTrending Reel
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Business Standard
an hour ago
- Business Standard
Congress to observe Aug 5 as 'black day', demand J-K statehood restoration
The Congress will observe August 5 as a "black day" against the downgrading of Jammu and Kashmir from a state to a Union territory six years ago and will sit on a dharna to press for the restoration of statehood. On August 5, 2019, the Centre scrapped J&K's special status and bifurcated the state into two Union territories. The Congress is backed by the other members of the All Parties United Morcha, which was created with the aim of restoring statehood, for the protest on Wednesday. "The Congress party shall observe August 5 as a black day against the downgrading of the historical J&K state into a Union territory. All constituent members are fully supporting it together," chief spokesperson of the Jammu and Kashmir Pradesh Congress Committee, Ravinder Sharma, told reporters here. He said that a peaceful sit-in will be organised by the Congress supported by All Parties United Morcha near the statue of Maharaja Hari Singh at Tawi bridge in Jammu to press for the early restoration of full statehood to J-K. Sharma appealed to all people and organisations of Jammu to support the dharna in a bid to force the BJP-led central government to grant statehood to J-K. "The Government of India should bring a bill in this session of Parliament, pass the bill, and restore statehood. This is the demand of all of us," he said. Blaming New Delhi for running the region with a "remote control", he said that the denial of statehood was weakening the democratic setup, and people are witnessing the "treatment" by the elected chief minister and the lieutenant governor's administration. The government had promised the people of Jammu and Kashmir the restoration of statehood, and they should fulfil it, the Congress leader said. The Supreme Court has also called for the restoration of statehood, he said, adding that the BJP and its government in New Delhi are "deceiving" people here. All district units of the Congress will also organise similar dharnas at their respective district headquarters and observe "black day" on Wednesday as part of "Hamari Riyasat, Hamara Haq", he said.
