logo
Southeast Asia joins Europe's calls to defend subsea cables

Southeast Asia joins Europe's calls to defend subsea cables

Japan Times02-06-2025
Defense officials from Europe and Southeast Asia called for stronger collaboration to protect the global network of subsea cables as concerns grow over threats to this vital infrastructure.
Countries like Singapore and Malaysia are becoming key hubs for the roughly 600 fiber-optic cables that carry nearly all of the world's data. Meanwhile, a spike in cable damage in European waters, particularly in the Baltic Sea, has heightened fears about the network's vulnerability.
"We need to work together to defend the entire network,' Singapore Defense Minister Chan Chun Sing said at the IISS Shangri-La Dialogue security forum on Sunday. "There's no point trying to defend the integrity and security of a submarine cable by looking at a point. We need both ends to be secure.'
The issue came up repeatedly during the two-day summit in Singapore, with European officials keen to share what they've learned from the recent rise in subsea cable damage. Today, the global undersea cable network stretches about 1.4 million kilometers.
With the demand for data center power projected to surge significantly with the advent of intensive artificial intelligence platforms, more cables are essential. Protecting them has become a key imperative in Europe since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, with incidents in its waters mostly involving tankers traveling to and from Russia, and in at least one case, a Chinese vessel.
Despite suspicions of sabotage, there's been no strong evidence pointing to deliberate attacks, with the incidents more likely to be accidents or careless behavior. Still, NATO countries have increased patrols in key areas to ensure the safety of undersea infrastructure.
The European Union's top diplomat Kaja Kallas urged European and Asian partners to work together at sea to tackle covert "shadow fleets' of tankers and review maritime security laws.
Protecting digital cable infrastructure is important for the Philippines too, Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro said in an interview. He added that his country, which is locked in a long-running dispute with China in the South China Sea, is working to build up its capabilities to address the threat.
Thailand also called the issue a pressing concern, with Defense Minister Phumtham Wechayachai saying the country is collaborating with Singapore and Brunei. He added undersea infrastructure faces risks not only from sabotage, but also from accidents and natural disasters.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Britain and Europe are changing together
Britain and Europe are changing together

Japan Times

time2 hours ago

  • Japan Times

Britain and Europe are changing together

Many state visits are empty, symbolic acts that have little to no policy content or lasting significance. But every now and then, such a visit changes the shape of international relations. Could French President Emmanuel Macron's recently concluded trip to London be one of them? Macron's recent three-day trip, the first state visit to the United Kingdom by a European Union head of state since Brexit in 2020, had plenty of pomp and pageantry. But it also focused on policy and politics, which reflects a profound shift in the U.K.'s circumstances since leaving the EU. During the upheaval of the Brexit psychodrama, there was little interest in constructive exchange, and the U.K.'s relationship with Europe remained defined by its lurching departure from the bloc. But nearly a decade on, Donald Trump is back in the White House and has launched a trade war on the world. Russian President Vladimir Putin has shredded the European security order. And Chinese President Xi Jinping has resorted to threats of economic coercion — a striking reversal from the 'golden era' of U.K.-China relations proclaimed in 2015. Even more dramatic, perhaps, are the changes in the EU. The big policy initiatives launched during Macron's U.K. visit reflect the forces that are turning the bloc on its head. First, the EU is moving from a peace project to a war union. For most of its existence, the EU sought peace through economic integration. But Putin's invasion of Ukraine in 2022 reoriented the bloc toward security — a goal that has taken on greater urgency since Trump cast doubt on the United States' commitment to collective security on the continent. There is broad support for this new orientation. According to a recent opinion poll conducted by the European Council on Foreign Relations, many Europeans favor increased defense spending, conscription and the development of a European or national nuclear deterrent. Against this backdrop, Macron and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer took a bold first step toward establishing an independent nuclear deterrent with the Northwood Declaration, in which they agreed that 'there is no extreme threat to Europe that would not prompt a response by our two nations.' A second major change is the development of 'securonomics.' The EU economy is under pressure from Trump's tariffs and China's export restrictions on magnets and critical minerals. EU policymakers now talk of de-risking, diversifying and deepening the single market, rather than pursuing free-trade agreements. While the U.K. has made it clear that it will not rejoin the single market or the customs union, the question is whether it can persuade the EU that it can be counted on to help the bloc achieve its new trade goals or whether it will be given unfriendly treatment because it is seen as posing a risk to those objectives. Domestic politics in Europe has also undergone a rapid transformation. It has been fascinating to watch Macron — once a poster boy for liberal universalism — reinvent himself as a champion of secure borders and protectionism, while taking a tougher stance on crime. This volte-face has seen mainstream European politicians shift focus toward defending national sovereignty — from Russia, China, Trump and migration — while they try to contain populist parties such as Marine Le Pen's National Rally and Alternative fur Deutschland. That is the backdrop for the ground-breaking deal that Starmer and Macron signed on migration returns. Starmer's approach to Europe is a marked improvement from that of former Conservative prime ministers Boris Johnson (who compared the EU to Napoleon and Hitler) and Liz Truss (who questioned whether Macron was a friend or a foe). Starmer has proved himself, particularly with his deft diplomacy on Ukraine, to be a reliable partner and stakeholder, regaining the trust of EU institutions and member states. One senior German policymaker told me how impressed he was by the U.K. filling the leadership vacuum created by Trump's disregard for Ukraine. In other words, the U.K. is widely seen in Europe as being 'part of the team' again. The EU-U.K. summit in May provided a clear framework for deepening the relationship, not least through a Security and Defense Partnership that paves the way for British participation in European defense programs. But the U.K. government has remained far too cautious in other areas. Most notably, Starmer has been careful not to cross the Labour Party's self-imposed red lines: no freedom of movement, no customs union and no single market. Future historians may well wonder why Starmer did not aim higher. The changing international environment offers Starmer a clear opportunity to redraw Europe's political map, which would establish him as one of Britain's most consequential leaders. But to do so, Starmer must convince British voters that today's Europe is a different creature from the one they imagine: a defense community that is more focused on safeguarding the continent than on transcending the nation-state. And he must explain how the U.K. can help build this new European security order, so long as it banishes the Brexit mindset. As a post-liberal Europe emerges, Britain must stop clinging to the past and seize the chance to shape the continent's future in a way that advances its interests. That requires acknowledging that both the EU and the U.K. have entered a new era. Mark Leonard, director of the European Council on Foreign Relations, is the author of "The Age of Unpeace: How Connectivity Causes Conflict" (Bantam Press, 2021). © Project Syndicate, 2025

EU and Japan aim for deeper defense cooperation in high-tech arena
EU and Japan aim for deeper defense cooperation in high-tech arena

Japan Times

time3 hours ago

  • Japan Times

EU and Japan aim for deeper defense cooperation in high-tech arena

EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said Wednesday that she sees "a lot of room for cooperation" between the European and Japanese defense and security industries, particularly in technology-driven areas like cyber and dual-use systems such as drones. With the two seeking to diversify partners, they aim to launch a Japan-EU Defense Industry Dialogue early next year that will bring together government officials and business representatives from both sides, Kallas told The Japan Times, as European Union leaders met with their Japanese counterparts for a summit in Tokyo. The dialogue, which is expected to serve as a platform to promote bilateral collaboration, could eventually also present opportunities for Japanese companies to take part in EU defense projects and vice versa. 'When we develop this dialogue further, then I think it will go both ways,' Kallas, who also serves as European Commission vice president, said in an exclusive interview. The former Estonian prime minister explained that the European defense industry is currently facing a number of challenges ranging from long procurement times to high equipment costs and Chinese export controls on rare earths. This is why Europe is following two parallel tracks, particularly amid the backdrop of the war in Ukraine. Brussels is providing more financial possibilities for EU member states to bolster their own industries while they are also buying more military equipment from outside the bloc, particularly from the United States. Kallas hopes that cooperation with Japan will help at least partially overcome some of the current challenges. EU nations in NATO, which face similar production challenges with their domestic defense industries, have agreed to drastically boost defense spending to 5% of gross domestic product by 2035. Japan, which is aiming to reach 2% of GDP spending by 2027, has come under growing pressure from Washington to follow suit. 'In recent years, Tokyo has sought to encourage Japan's defense industry to play a more prominent international role,' said Sebastian Maslow, an associate professor at the University of Tokyo who specializes in international relations. 'Establishing a foothold in Europe could be a significant step in that direction particularly as both sides are increasing defense spending but lack the production capacity to match it,' he added. Both Japan and the EU have said that strengthening their defense-industrial bases is a 'common priority' amid shared concerns over a deteriorating but increasingly interconnected international security environment. 'We see North Korean soldiers being deployed in Russia's war in Ukraine. We see Russia helping North Korea with the military equipment. We see China being the key enabler of Russia's war in Ukraine,' Kallas said. 'So these things are very much interlinked.' European Union foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said the EU and Japan are aiming to launch a new Defense Industry Dialogue early next year that will bring together government officials and business representatives from both sides. | CECIL FUNG Amid these and other ongoing geopolitical shifts, such as the U.S. threat of sweeping tariffs, the top EU diplomat says it is only natural for the bloc to diversify its trade portfolio and global security partners. 'I think like-minded partners really should stick together, also those countries that believe in free trade, a level playing field and international law, " she said, adding that 'Japan and the European Union definitely are believers in that.' But Kallas also said that Brussels' push is not limited to Japan. 'When we go around Asia, we see a lot of interest in deepening relations with the European Union. ... From our side, it is definitely also about diversifying the portfolios and not putting all our eggs in one basket,' she said. The EU has also established a defense partnership with South Korea, and last month, Kallas was in Manila to set up a defense dialogue with the Philippines. At the EU-Japan summit, the two sides also formally launched negotiations on a classified information-sharing agreement. The deal will regulate how sensitive information will be shared, handled, stored and disposed of by the two sides. While the pact does not itself authorize information exchanges or specify what data will be exchanged, it is seen as a stepping stone toward greater levels of military and defense-industrial cooperation, including technology transfers. 'Our closer cooperation has become all the more important against the backdrop of an evolving and complex global geopolitical setting, notably Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, the serious challenges to a free and open Indo-Pacific, as well as other regional and international issues,' the two sides said in a joint statement. The two sides' agreements also extended to space, with the partners vowing to accelerate the development of satellite constellations and working with the private sector to promote activities such as space debris mitigation and remediation. They also want to jointly promote norms, rules and principles of responsible behavior in outer space. The latest development follows last November's launch of a security and defense partnership between Brussels and Tokyo that lays the groundwork for closer cooperation in critical areas. These include naval cooperation such as joint training and capacity-building of other Indo-Pacific countries and exploring potential avenues for joint initiatives in the defense industry.

JFTC OKs Visa Worldwide's Biz Improvement Plan

time5 hours ago

JFTC OKs Visa Worldwide's Biz Improvement Plan

Tokyo, July 23 (Jiji Press)--The Japan Fair Trade Commission has approved a business improvement plan submitted by Visa Worldwide Pte Ltd., which undertakes Visa card operations in Japan and other parts of the Asia-Pacific region. Through its investigation into a suspected violation of the antimonopoly law by Visa Worldwide, the JFTC concluded that swiftly executing proposed measures by the Singapore-based firm would restore the competitive environment under the so-called commitment procedures, the Japanese antimonopoly watchdog said in a press release Tuesday. In credit card transactions, sales data are transmitted from acquirers, or companies that enables retailers to accept payments by card, to card issuers through settlement service networks. An acquirer should pay a certain rate of fees to an issuer unless they are the same. The JFTC conducted an on-site inspection of Visa Worldwide's Japanese operation in July last year and has since found that the credit card operator notified acquirers in February 2018 of a plan to apply preferential rates to such fees only when they exclusively use the Visa Worldwide network and implemented the plan in November 2021. Some acquirers have actually come to take the advantage, according to people familiar with the matter. The commission, which took an administrative step against an international credit card brand for the first time ever, believes that Visa Worldwide's practice amounts to a transaction with a restraint condition prohibited by the law. However, it decided to refrain from imposing a severer sanction on the firm. [Copyright The Jiji Press, Ltd.]

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store