Al-Sharaa heads to UAE on official visit
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Arab News
2 hours ago
- Arab News
UAE-Cuba economic ties poised for growth as first joint committee meets in Dubai
JEDDAH: Trade and investment relations between the UAE and Cuba are expected to deepen following the inaugural session of the Joint Economic Committee, which convened in Dubai to boost cooperation across multiple sectors, including biotechnology, renewable energy, and tourism. Organized under the framework of the trade, economic, and technical cooperation agreement signed earlier by both nations, the session marked a significant step forward in advancing bilateral economic engagement. The committee meeting was co-chaired by Abdullah Ahmed Al-Saleh, undersecretary of the UAE Ministry of Economy, and Carlos Luis Jorge Mendez, Cuba's first deputy minister of foreign trade and foreign investment. According to the UAE's official news agency WAM, discussions centered on enhancing collaboration in agriculture, food security, infrastructure, transportation, logistics, cultural industries, healthcare, and pharmaceuticals. Non-oil trade between the two countries has been steadily rising. It reached over $39.1 million in 2024—up more than 2 percent from the previous year and 46.4 percent compared to 2022, WAM reported. The agency added that trade during the first quarter of 2025 rose by 5.6 percent compared to the same period in 2024, and by over 25 percent from the fourth quarter of that year. More than 825 Cuban brands are currently operating in the UAE market. According to WAM, Al-Saleh said that bilateral ties continue to advance steadily, particularly in the economic and commercial spheres, adding: 'This reflects the visionary leadership of both nations in fostering growth and prosperity and in serving their shared interests.' He continued: 'The first session of the Joint Economic Committee between the two countries marks a key milestone in enhancing economic and investment relations in the coming period. It expands areas of cooperation in priority sectors, strengthens engagement between the Emirati and Cuban business communities, and explores promising market opportunities — contributing to the national goals of the 'We the UAE 2031' vision.' Attended by the ambassadors of both countries, the session concluded with an agreement to establish a joint framework that will oversee implementation of the committee's outcomes, ensuring the continuity of economic cooperation and shared growth. According to WAM, both sides also agreed to coordinate business forums and economic events, exchange trade delegations, and facilitate increased trade and investment flows between Emirati and Cuban companies. The agency added that the two parties proposed organizing joint meetings, seminars, and workshops involving investors, promotion agencies, and financial institutions to attract investment in high-priority sectors. 'They stressed the importance of advancing economic cooperation through new partnerships in entrepreneurship and the startup ecosystem, with the aim of accelerating SME (small and medium-sized enterprise) growth, expanding investments, supporting exports to international markets, and increasing their contribution to the national GDPs (gross domestic products) of both countries,' WAM added. Food security and agriculture were also top priorities, with both sides expressing interest in boosting trade in food commodities and agricultural products. They also committed to working together on sustainable farming, food processing, and agricultural technology. Tourism was highlighted as another strategic sector for collaboration. Both nations agreed to co-host exhibitions, events, and conferences to showcase their tourist and heritage destinations. They also discussed sharing expertise and data on tourism resources, statistics, and digital innovations. The committee's formation follows recent government restructuring in the UAE. Just over two weeks ago, Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al-Maktoum, vice president and prime minister of the UAE and ruler of Dubai, announced the creation of a Ministry of Foreign Trade, led by Thani Al-Zeyoudi. The Ministry of Economy was also renamed the Ministry of Economy and Tourism, now headed by Abdullah bin Touq Al-Marri.
Al Arabiya
2 hours ago
- Al Arabiya
Tom Barrack's memo: A country afraid of its own sovereignty
There are moments in the life of a nation when silence speaks louder than words. Lebanon is living such a moment now. In the aftermath of escalating regional tensions and ongoing international efforts to redraw the security landscape of the Middle East, key Lebanese leaders have reportedly been engaged in high-level discussions to shape the country's response to recent diplomatic overtures – chief among them, a memo by US Special Envoy Tom Barrack addressing Lebanon's sovereignty, regional role, and long-delayed reforms. Barrack, who is expected in Beirut soon, will quickly learn that the Lebanese elite are beyond incorrigible. For all the latest headlines, follow our Google News channel online or via the app. The Lebanese state is dragging its feet in replying to – and more importantly, implementing –Barrack's memo, stalling behind closed-door consultations and awaiting 'consensus,' while the region and the world demand clarity. This delay is not strategic; it is symptomatic of a leadership unwilling to confront the basic questions of national identity, legitimacy, and power. Behind the closed doors of the presidential palace and the murmurings of Beirut's political salons, the mood is not one of bold recalibration. It is one of hesitation, delay, and carefully measured evasion. Lebanon appears once again poised to let history move past it, rather than risk stepping into its own future. At the heart of the international initiative lies a simple but foundational idea: that Lebanon must reclaim the exclusive right to use force within its borders. In essence, that weapons should rest in the hands of the state alone. In almost any functioning democracy, this would be an uncontroversial premise. But in Lebanon, the issue remains taboo, bound tightly to the question of Hezbollah and the legacy of the so-called 'resistance.' Rather than seizing this as an opportunity to launch a national conversation – on terms that Lebanon itself defines – its leadership appears determined to tread water. The idea of integrating all weapons under a national defense strategy is once again being floated. Yet this strategy remains hypothetical, a perennial placeholder that has never materialized – and never will – under current power structures. The state keeps invoking dialogue with Hezbollah – an internationally designated terrorist entity – not as a prelude to decisions, but as a substitute for them. One of the most consistent tactics of Lebanese officialdom is to turn every proposal into a chicken-and-egg scenario. The ongoing debate over the Barrack memo is a clear case in point. No disarmament without Israeli withdrawals. No reform without international guarantees. No diplomacy without regional consensus. On their own, these positions are not unreasonable – but when deployed reflexively, they become tools of paralysis. By insisting that every internal reform be predicated on external moves – especially from Israel – Lebanon ensures that it will always be responding, never initiating. This is not strategic leverage. It is learned helplessness, dressed up as negotiation. Meanwhile, the narrative that Lebanon is merely a passive victim of Israeli aggression is losing its persuasive power. The international community is less concerned today with adjudicating blame than with charting a path out of perpetual instability. Lebanon's leaders seem unable – or unwilling – to offer one. What may be most troubling in the current moment is the unspoken but palpable understanding that no serious move will be taken without Hezbollah's approval. Not integration into state structures, not decisions on war and peace, not even the framing of a national position. This is not the behavior of a sovereign republic – it is a power-sharing arrangement gone metastatic. Hezbollah continues to occupy a dual role: both within the state and above it. A political party in parliament, a militia with regional reach, and a diplomatic gatekeeper all in one. While the party signals tactical flexibility – expressing openness to dialogue and disinterest in fresh conflict – it still wields the ultimate veto over national decisions. This veto manifests itself in the person of the omnipresent Speaker of Parliament, Nabih Berri, who uses his position to leverage Hezbollah's weapons for further political gain, even at the expense of the Lebanese constitution. Let us be clear: Hezbollah no longer insists on keeping its arms solely to fight Israel. That pretext has worn thin. Its real aim is internal – preserving its strategic dominance over the Lebanese state. The gun is no longer aimed across the border. It is pointed inward, at the idea of statehood itself. This is neither accountability nor compromise. It is a state outsourced to one of its own components. Even tentative international proposals reportedly on the table – such as limited Israeli withdrawals in exchange for modest Lebanese gestures on the arms issue – are treated with extreme caution. Rather than use such gestures as openings for creative diplomacy, the instinct is to consult, defer, and wait. The fear of internal rupture is so great that the status quo becomes the only policy. This is not strategic ambiguity. It is strategic surrender. Lebanon's predicament is not new. For years, the country has survived by managing contradictions rather than resolving them – chief among them, allowing an Iranian-sponsored militia to use and abuse Lebanon, its people, and its economy. But that model is no longer sustainable. With regional alignments shifting, economic lifelines drying up, and public confidence near collapse, Lebanon cannot afford to postpone the fundamentals of statehood. It must reclaim its sovereignty by fully disarming Hezbollah and implementing UNSCR 1701. The international community is not demanding perfection. But it is demanding clarity, seriousness, and a credible pathway to stability. Lebanon owes itself – and its citizens – more than another round of circular deliberations hidden behind vague talk of consensus. What Lebanon needs now is not another conference, nor another draft proposal shuffled between factions. It needs political courage. It needs leadership that can define national interest independent of sectarian vetoes or foreign patrons. It needs to stop waiting for the region to settle before settling its own house. The question is simple, if painful: Does Lebanon wish to be a state among states, or a buffer zone between stronger actors? Until it finds the will to answer that honestly, it will remain trapped in its tragic in-betweenness – governed by negotiations it doesn't lead, haunted by choices it refuses to make.
Arab News
2 hours ago
- Arab News
Netanyahu hosted by the guarantor-in-chief
When visiting the president's office, it helps to come bearing warmth. A firm embrace, a grateful smile, a public thank you — all gestures of loyalty that set the tone. It is best to arrive eager for wisdom and ready to express not only personal admiration but also that of your people. In these corridors of power, both elders and juniors are expected to display reverence. Some go further. They declare themselves lucky to have been born during his era, lucky to sail on the same ship. For he, they say, is a seasoned captain, unfazed by tempests. Success clings to him and landmark deals bear his signature. He is, in their eyes, unlike any predecessor — a singular force, a steadfast ally in turbulent times. Flattery often extends to his choice of necktie or dance steps — and, of course, his tweets. Such an encounter may begin with congratulations: victories abroad echo those at home. As Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu flew toward his US meeting this week, he was both relaxed and cautious. He credits himself with having slipped inside Donald Trump's mind — perhaps even his heart. But Trump is a complex man: hard-edged, addicted to winning, a master of deals and disruption. He recoils at failure, bristles at disappointment and never backs down. He plays both sides — extending a hand one moment, throwing punches the next. He views the world through his own lens, dismissing the vision of experts. His talent for veering off course is matched only by his flair for unsettling both allies and foes. Each new battle deepens his conviction that destiny has chosen him to save not only America, but the world. Trump extends a hand one moment, throws punches the next. He views the world through his own lens. Ghassan Charbel Netanyahu might open the meeting with a tale. He could say the president's backing allowed him to carry out major surgery on the Middle East — painful, delicate, expensive surgery that has redrawn the region's face. Just two years ago, he might say, a missile could travel from Tehran to Beirut via Iraq and Syria, bypassing state permission. An Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps adviser could accompany it, arming proxies and cementing their place in the so-called axis of resistance. Back then, a visitor to Syria could meet President Bashar Assad in Damascus, then travel by road to Beirut's southern suburbs to sit with Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah. They could even meet leaders of Hamas and Islamic Jihad living in Lebanon without state consent. American support secured Israel's military and technological edge and facilitated the operation. Today, the missile no longer reaches its target. Nor does the adviser. Syria, once the corridor and incubator, speaks a different language now — reportedly seeking only to revive the disengagement accord in exchange for stepping out of the military side of the conflict with Israel. Lebanon, once the base of the 'support front,' has paid a steep price. Though Israel paused its shelling, it continues lethal strikes. Without Syrian depth, Hezbollah cannot launch a war. Yet its insistence on holding onto its weapons robs Lebanon of stability and reconstruction prospects and could trigger something worse. The old balance is broken. Israeli jets control the skies over much of the neighborhood and operate across borders. Syria wants US guarantees. So does Hamas. Lebanon, too. Even Iran is said to be seeking American assurances. Trump, it seems, is the region's guarantor-in-chief. Netanyahu closes his eyes. He feels genuine gratitude toward the president. The picture has changed. The fall of Assad's regime, in his eyes, shifted the game. The current phase is about forcing factions back into their native maps, stripped of regional extensions. That return coincides with extracting borders from the battlefield, at least for now. Removing the rubble from Gaza will take years. So will reconstruction. In the meantime, Hamas will likely be sidelined, unable to contemplate another war. Lebanon, too, may not pose a threat in the coming years. At best, it hopes for implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, Israeli withdrawal from its territory and for weapons to be placed solely in the state's hands. The biggest file remains Iran. Trump's vow to prevent it from obtaining a nuclear weapon is unwavering. The latest round of conflict drew Tehran directly into the war, stripping it of the luxury of fighting by proxy. Israeli strikes on Iranian soil pierced what Tehran once considered untouchable. Even as Iran's missiles struck Tel Aviv, the strategic loss across its regional network was deeper. Now the question: Will Iran opt to ride out Trump's term, coexisting until the clock runs out? Can it rebuild new lines of regional defense resembling Hezbollah's former role? Netanyahu knows Trump needs a win in Gaza after failing to deliver one in Ukraine. Russian President Vladimir Putin wants to crush Ukraine before agreeing to a truce and he wants no partner in claiming victory. But Netanyahu will not challenge the guarantor-in-chief. The man of war can also be the man of peace. A ceasefire in Gaza might be accepted — then navigated around. Some flexibility may be necessary, given the devastation. There is little left in Gaza that could pose a danger. Israel's adversaries now wait for guarantees from the US. Netanyahu, meanwhile, hopes for a fresh endorsement from the White House to fuel his reelection bid. Some in the region are even hoping Trump concludes that the most meaningful guarantee he can offer is to keep the two-state solution alive — even if on pause. For now, the guarantor also remains the dealer of surprises. This article first appeared in Asharq Al-Awsat.
