Russian prosecutors seek 14.5-year sentence for former deputy defense minister
Timur Ivanov, 49, was arrested in April last year. He was charged with taking an especially large bribe of 1.185 billion rubles ($15.1 million) but maintains his innocence.
He and another defendant were also charged with 'theft of funds by misappropriation' and 'laundering of criminal proceeds by an organized group.'
The trial is being held behind closed doors.
Ivanov is one of several senior military officers arrested on corruption charges last year.
The arrests started shortly before President Vladimir Putin began his fifth term and shuffled his ally, longtime Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu, into a new post.
According to the Defense Ministry's website, Ivanov was appointed in 2016 by a presidential decree. He oversaw property management, housing and medical support for the military, as well as construction projects.
Ivanov's arrest came nearly a month after Putin called on the Federal Security Service to 'keep up a systemic anti-corruption effort' and pay special attention to state defense procurement.
Russian media reported that Ivanov oversaw some of the construction in Mariupol — a Ukrainian port city that was devastated by bombardment and occupied by Russian forces early in the war. Ivanov has been sanctioned by both the United States and the European Union.
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Japan Forward
7 hours ago
- Japan Forward
BRICS+ in the New World Order: Japan's Strategic Stake
As the 17th BRICS Summit convenes in Rio de Janeiro on July 6-7, the West — especially its policy architects in Washington, Brussels, and Tokyo — must take serious stock of a shifting global tide. The expansion of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), now BRICS+, is not a diplomatic curiosity. It is a response to a world order in transition, one that increasingly mirrors the demands of a multipolar age. What began as an acronym describing high-growth leading economies has matured into a balancing force in global governance. With its expansion into BRICS+, the bloc now encompasses a more diverse group of emerging economies seeking to reassert agency over their development paths and global positioning. The inclusion of countries such as Egypt, Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and the UAE speaks to a critical truth: the center of gravity in international politics is tilting, especially at a time when two major wars, between Russia and Ukraine, and Iran and Israel, are still off. Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Beijing (©Kyodo) These BRICS+ states, while internally diverse, are unified in their desire to disrupt the monopoly of Western-led institutions like the Group of Seven advanced economies (G7), the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank. In doing so, BRICS+ is evolving into a platform where geopolitical diversity meets developmental solidarity and reflects multipolarism in practice. The rise of BRICS+ also needs to be seen against the backdrop of growing frustration with American unilateralism, particularly during the [Donald] Trump years. When the United States withdrew from global commitments — be it the Paris Agreement or multilateral trade frameworks — it created a leadership vacuum. BRICS+ has, to some extent, stepped into that void. Unlike Western alliances that often tie participation to ideological conformity, BRICS+ presents an alternative vision rooted in inclusivity and shared developmental goals, if not completely sovereign respect. Its open-door policy makes it attractive to many in the Global South seeking to hedge their geopolitical bets. Indeed, four of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations known as ASEAN (Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam, and Thailand) are reportedly seeking possible BRICS membership or staying engaged as active partners. This reflects a broader geopolitical calculus: countries in the Indo-Pacific are reluctant to be forced into binary choices between Washington and Beijing, and perhaps prefer a more multipolar character of order. A revitalized BRICS+ may provide them with a strategic middle ground, a platform that neither isolates them totally from the West nor binds them completely to China's orbit. PM Ishiba arrives in Vientiane for meetings with the ASEAN leaders. (Courtesy of the Prime Minister's office) Japan, as ASEAN's most trusted partner, is uniquely positioned to offer a "third way." But it must tread carefully. Rather than echoing the West's ideological messaging that it has pursued for many years blindly as an alliance partner of the United States, Tokyo should adopt a pragmatic approach, one that respects local contexts while reinforcing a rules-based international order that is rapidly witnessing a decline with Trump 2.0. Tokyo's leadership in finalizing the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) in 2018 demonstrated its potential to lead pragmatic, inclusive regional initiatives, even without the United States. Such a bold strategic endeavour that (late Prime Minister) Shinzo Abe envisioned, without the United States, must be repeated at various levels with a fresh vision and partnership with critical actors like the ASEAN, India, the European Union, and a few other countries in the Global South. Moreover, the largely positive reception in ASEAN to Japan's remilitarization signals growing regional support for a more assertive, yet balanced, Japanese foreign policy in the post-Shinzo Abe era. However, Japan must go further. Rather than opposing BRICS+ from the outside, Tokyo should adopt a more nuanced and open engagement strategy: maintaining close ties with the West, while building constructive partnerships with key BRICS+ members like India, Brazil, South Africa, and even the newer entrants such as Egypt and the UAE. This "dual engagement" model can help preserve stability in the Indo-Pacific and beyond, and position itself between American overreach and Chinese dominance. At the heart of BRICS' institutional architecture lies the New Development Bank (NDB), launched in 2015 as a practical alternative to the Bretton Woods institutions. Unlike the IMF and World Bank, the NDB offers more flexible terms, grounded in mutual appreciation, mutual benefits, and developmental pragmatism. In a world increasingly shaped by debt distress, climate vulnerability, and infrastructure shortfalls, the Global South needs development finance that is swift, unconditional, and context-sensitive. The NDB, alongside the BRICS Contingent Reserve Arrangement, offers precisely that. Together, they form a financial safety net that is less moralizing and more responsive to the actual needs of member states. With projects in renewable energy, infrastructure, and digital connectivity, the NDB reflects an emerging consensus in the Global South: development finance must be depoliticized and democratized. This presents a quiet challenge to the Asian Development Bank, where Japan traditionally wields outsized influence. For the ADB to remain relevant, it must now evolve and think openly and constructively. That means revisiting loan conditionalities, enhancing co-financing with non-Western institutions like the NDB (and perhaps the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank), and incorporating Southern-led governance models should not be overlooked. Japan, as the ADB's largest contributor alongside the United States, is uniquely positioned to drive this internal reform and ensure the ADB remains a relevant and influential institution. Chinese President Xi Jinping at the BRICS summit in Kazan on October 23 (©Reuters) For all its promise, BRICS+ is not without internal contradictions. Xi Jinping's non-transparent transactional governance model via Belt and Road initiatives, and China's aim to dominate various BRICS+ mechanisms cast doubt over the precision and credibility of this multilateral body. Besides, the bloc's members vary widely in political systems, economic models, and foreign policy goals. These divergences may blunt BRICS+'s coherence and strategic impact in the short term. Still, the West would do well to resist the urge to contain BRICS+ or treat it as a threat. Many of its new members are not joining out of ideological zeal, but from a desire for leverage and flexibility. Europe, the United States, and Japan must recognize this nuance and respond accordingly. Rather than isolate these states, the West should engage them bilaterally, regionally, and thematically. Strategic partnerships based on mutual appreciation and economic opportunity will determine the contours of future cooperation. The EU, in particular, must overcome its outdated protectionism and offer Global South countries real "win-win" prospects, especially in trade, energy, and technology, factoring in partners such as Japan and India. Japan can play a central role in this, offering a vision of inclusive modernization and infrastructure-led development that complements, rather than competes with, BRICS+ initiatives. BRICS+ is still finding its voice and falls short at present as a credible platform. Its expansion raises difficult questions about coherence, strategy, and global leadership. But one thing is clear: the countries in the 'Global South' are no longer content to be rule-takers, as Donald Trump (or Xi Jinping in that regard) would like them to be. It wants a seat at the table — and in some cases, its own table entirely. It is becoming harder to ignore that a post-Western order is no longer a theoretical possibility. And BRICS+, for all its flaws, is the clearest articulation yet of this new global consciousness. For a post-Abe Japan, this is not a moment for hesitation, but a chance to bridge divides, foster balance, and shape a truly multipolar world. Author: Dr Jagannath Panda Dr Jagannath Panda is the Head of the Stockholm Center for South Asian and Indo-Pacific Affairs at the ISDP, Sweden, and a Professor at the University of Warsaw.
Winnipeg Free Press
8 hours ago
- Winnipeg Free Press
Brazil hosts BRICS summit, eager to avoid provoking Trump's ire
RIO DE JANEIRO (AP) — Brazil will play host to a summit of the BRICS bloc of developing economies Sunday and Monday during which pressing topics like Israel's attack on Iran, the humanitarian crisis in Gaza and trade tariffs imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump are expected to be handled with caution. Analysts and diplomats said the lack of cohesion in an enlarged BRICS, which doubled in size last year, may affect its ability to become another pole in world affairs. They also see the summit's moderate agenda as an attempt by member countries to stay off Trump's radar. Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva will have some of his priorities, such as debates on artificial intelligence and climate change, front and center for the talks with key leaders not in attendance. China's President Xi Jinping won't attend a BRICS summit for the first time since he became his country's leader in 2012. Russian President Vladimir Putin, who will make an appearance via videoconference, continues to mostly avoid traveling abroad due to an international arrest warrant issued after Russia invaded Ukraine. Debate over language on hot-button topics The restraint expected in Rio de Janeiro marks a departure from last year's summit hosted by Russia in Kazan, when the Kremlin sought to develop alternatives to U.S.-dominated payment systems which would allow it to dodge Western sanctions imposed after Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. A source involved in the negotiations told journalists Friday that some members of the group want more aggressive language on the situation in Gaza and Israel's attack on Iran. The source spoke under the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak about the matter publicly. 'Brazil wants to keep the summit as technical as possible,' said Oliver Stuenkel, a professor at the Getulio Vargas Foundation think tank and university. Consequently, observers expect a vague final declaration regarding Russia's war in Ukraine and conflicts in the Middle East. As well as suiting Brazil, a watered-down and non-controversial statement may be made easier by the absences of Putin and Xi, Stuenkel said. Those two countries have pushed for a stronger anti-Western stance, as opposed to Brazil and India that prefer non-alignment. A Brazilian government official told The Associated Press Thursday that the group is expected to produce three joint statements and a final declaration, 'all of which less bounded by current geopolitical tensions.' The official spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly about the summit's preparations. João Alfredo Nyegray, an international business and geopolitics professor at the Pontifical Catholic University in Parana, said the summit could have played a role in showing an alternative to an unstable world, but won't do so. 'The withdrawal of Egypt's President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and the uncertainty about the level of representation for countries like Iran, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are confirming the difficulty for the BRICS to establish themselves as a cohesive pole of global leadership,' Nyegray said. 'This moment demands high level articulation, but we are actually seeing dispersion.' Brazil skittish in light of Trump tariffs Brazil, the country that chairs the bloc, has picked six strategic priorities for the summit: global cooperation in healthcare; trade, investment and finance; climate change; governance for artificial intelligence; peace-making and security; and institutional development. It has decided to focus on less controversial issues, such as promoting trade relations between members and global health, after Trump returned to the White House, said Ana Garcia, a professor at the Rio de Janeiro Federal Rural University. 'Brazil wants the least amount of damage possible and to avoid drawing the attention of the Trump administration to prevent any type of risk to the Brazilian economy,' Garcia said. While Brazil will continue to advocate for the reform of Western-led global institutions, a cornerstone policy of the group, the country wants to avoid becoming the target of tariffs — a predicament it has so far largely escaped. Trump has threatened to impose 100% tariffs against the bloc if they take any moves to undermine the dollar. Other leaders shun the summit Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and Egypt's Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi will also be absent. Those two countries joined the BRICS in 2024, alongside Ethiopia, Indonesia and the United Arab Emirates. Saudi Arabia has been invited and is participating in member discussions, but it has yet to send its confirmation letter. As well as new members, the bloc has 10 strategic partner countries, a category created at last year's summit that includes Belarus, Cuba and Vietnam. That rapid expansion led Brazil to put housekeeping issues — officially termed institutional development — on the agenda to better integrate new members and boost internal cohesion. Despite notable absences, the summit is important for attendees, especially in the context of instability provoked by Trump's tariff wars, said Bruce Scheidl, a researcher at the University of Sao Paulo's BRICS study group. 'The summit offers the best opportunity for emerging countries to respond, in the sense of seeking alternatives and diversifying their economic partnerships,' Scheidl said. For Lula, the summit will be a welcome pause from a difficult domestic scenario, marked by a drop in popularity and conflict with Congress. The meeting also represents an opportunity to advance climate negotiations and commitments on protecting the environment before November's COP 30 climate talks in the Amazonian city of Belem.
Global News
a day ago
- Global News
Ukraine says it struck a Russian air base as Russia sent hundreds of drones into Ukraine
Ukraine said it struck a Russian air base on Saturday, while Russia continued to pound Ukraine with hundreds of drones overnight as part of a stepped-up bombing campaign that has dashed hopes for a breakthrough in efforts to end the more than 3-year-old war. Ukraine's military General Staff said that Ukrainian forces had struck the Borisoglebsk air base in Russia's Voronezh region, describing it as the home base of Russia's Su-34, Su-35S and Su-30SM fighter jets. Writing on Facebook, the General Staff said it hit a depot containing glide bombs, a training aircraft and 'possibly other aircraft.' Russian officials did not immediately comment on the attack. Such attacks on Russian air bases aim to dent Russia's military capability and demonstrate Ukraine's capability to hit high-value targets in Russia. Last month, Ukraine said it destroyed more than 40 Russian planes stationed at several airfields deep in Russia's territory in a surprise drone attack. Story continues below advertisement Russia fired 322 drones and decoys into Ukraine overnight into Saturday, Ukraine's air force said. Of these, 157 were shot down and 135 were lost, likely having been electronically jammed. Get breaking National news For news impacting Canada and around the world, sign up for breaking news alerts delivered directly to you when they happen. Sign up for breaking National newsletter Sign Up By providing your email address, you have read and agree to Global News' Terms and Conditions and Privacy Policy According to the air force, Ukraine's western Khmelnytskyi region was the main target of the attack. Regional Gov. Serhii Tyurin said Saturday that no damage, injuries or deaths had been reported. Russia has been stepping up its long-range attacks on Ukraine. Waves of drones and missiles targeted Kyiv overnight into Friday in the largest aerial assault since Russia's invasion of Ukraine began. On Saturday, Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko said the number of people killed in the assault had increased to two. A further 31 people were wounded. The fresh wave of attacks came after Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Friday that he had a 'very important and productive' phone call with U.S. President Donald Trump. The two leaders discussed how Ukrainian air defenses might be strengthened, possible joint weapons production between the U.S. and Ukraine, and broader U.S-led efforts to end the war with Russia, according to a statement by Zelenskyy. Asked Friday night by reporters about the call, Trump said, 'We had a very good call, I think.' When asked about finding a way to end the fighting, Trump said: 'I don't know. I can't tell you whether or not that's going to happen.' Story continues below advertisement The U.S. has paused some shipments of military aid to Ukraine, including crucial air defense missiles. Ukraine's main European backers are considering how they can help pick up the slack. Zelenskyy says plans are afoot to build up Ukraine's domestic arms industry, but scaling up will take time. Russia's Defense Ministry said it shot down 94 Ukrainian drones overnight into Saturday, along with 30 further drones on Saturday morning. No casualties were reported, but local officials in the Saratov region said 25 apartments were damaged by Ukrainian drones in the city of Engels.
