Pushing more Americans into homelessness is no way to revitalize downtowns
However, elements of that economic devastation continue to haunt us today. One of the most obvious examples is the explosion of homeless encampments in the nation's downtowns, which began during Reagan's presidency and led to the first federal legislative response to homelessness, in 1987.
Here we are nearly four decades later: The country has its highest number of homeless people since tracking began, and House Republicans just voted to cut safety programs. It's as if those Reagan years taught them nothing about cause and effect. Yes, we have a $36-trillion national debt, and Moody's just downgraded our credit rating. We have to draw in the purse strings for the sake of our fiscal stability. But it matters where you make the cuts. Creating a scenario that could increase poverty and homelessness is wildly counterproductive.
Even setting aside for the moment the human costs, the economic case for reducing homelessness is painfully clear.
The commercial real estate value of our downtowns is eroded by vacancies, with Downtown L.A. suffering a rate of more than 30%, according to a recent Cushman and Wakefield analysis. And that wealth is going to continue to flee downtown because people avoid downtown. Why? Safety concerns. Something about seeing a bunch of boarded-up buildings and tents on the streets doesn't feel comforting.
A federal budget crafted to crush the most vulnerable people will push countless Americans out of their precarious housing and onto the streets. The Republicans' vision will create more encampments — certainly no way to address the public's safety concerns or revitalize downtowns.
It's impossible to make America great without first taking care of her people — all of her people. All the fancy strip malls in the suburban world won't change that.
In Downtown L.A. in 1983, Bullock's at 7th Street and Broadway shuttered its doors. That same year, Gimbels in New York said goodbye. And in my hometown of Detroit, the vast Hudson's — second in size only to Macy's in New York — also closed.
That wasn't just a reflection of changing shopping habits. That was also a microcosm of the economic erosion that was plaguing the heart of our cultural hubs after those devastating budget cuts in 1981.
A municipality's best architecture is often downtown. The best historic buildings are near courthouses and Main Streets. When America cared about its downtowns, entire cities and states thrived. We can't afford to give up on our urban centers. Local officials get that; cities perennially float plans and tweak policies in the hope of revitalizing these areas. But before elected officials focus on removing red tape from acquiring liquor licenses or offering tax breaks to would-be developers, they must help the people sleeping on the streets in front of the buildings that cities want to reopen. Until that happens, the economic potential of our downtowns will stay in limbo.
Californians take this risk seriously. Assemblymember Matt Haney (D-San Francisco) is spearheading a multilayered initiative to revitalize struggling downtowns across California since the pandemic. For more than a year he's met with mayors and other leaders from nine cities to identify the barriers to a thriving downtown.
This week Haney, who chairs the Assembly's Downtown Recovery Committee, announced a package with 13 initiatives designed to bring life back to civic centers. Three of them specifically target homelessness. As far as I'm concerned, those are the only three that matter. If the public sector can get people off the streets and into shelters, the private sector will do the rest.
'I think that the cities now have the tools and the legal clarity to effectively address encampments,' Haney told me this week. 'They can clear persistent encampments, but they also need to have places for people to go.'
That last point cannot be ignored.
'Cities now are more focused on those short-term shelters and transitional housing and ensuring there are adequate placements,' he said — a crucial component given that last summer the Supreme Court endorsed the power of cities in California and the West to break up encampments, and this month Gov. Gavin Newsom has made that tactic a talking point.
'What we don't want to see is just clearing an encampment so that people then get up and move two blocks away,' Haney added. 'Nor does it make much sense to spend money to put somebody in jail solely because they're homeless. That's not going to be a solution.'
His take is that the top priority for the state government and for mayors should be funding for 'homelessness response, which really is focused on being able to remove encampments and get people inside.'
Obviously that's easier said than done. But if that isn't done, nothing else will work. Unhoused people will have no path out of homelessness, and our downtowns will continue their death spiral.
@LZGranderson
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Texas and California joust for political advantage
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San Francisco Chronicle
an hour ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
Texas and California joust for political advantage, with Trump power and US House majority in play
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A draft plan aims to boost the Democratic margin in California to 48 of 52 congressional seats, according to a source familiar with the plan who was not authorized to discuss it publicly. That's up from the 43 seats the party now holds. It would need approval from lawmakers and voters, who may be skeptical to give it after handing redistricting power to an independent commission years ago. The rivalry puts a spotlight on two states that for years have dueled over jobs, innovation, prestige — even sports — with the backdrop of clashing political visions — one progressive, one conservative. A standoff in Texas after Democrats leave the state After dozens of Democrats left Texas, the Republican-dominated House was unable to establish the quorum of lawmakers required to do business. Republican Gov. Greg Abbott has made threats about removing members who are absent from their seats. Democrats counter that Abbott is using 'smoke and mirrors' to assert legal authority he does not have. 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Democrats hold 62 seats in the majority-Republican chamber, and at least 51 left the state, according to a Democratic aide. The Texas Supreme Court held in 2021 that House leaders could 'physically compel the attendance' of missing members, but no Democrats were forcibly brought back to the state after warrants were served. Republicans answered by adopting $500 daily fines for lawmakers who don't show. Abbott, meanwhile, continues to make unsubstantiated claims that some lawmakers have committed felonies by soliciting money to pay for potential fines for leaving Texas during the session.


Boston Globe
an hour ago
- Boston Globe
Texas and California joust for political advantage, with Trump power and US House majority in play
Advertisement A draft plan aims to boost the Democratic margin in California to 48 of 52 congressional seats, according to a source familiar with the plan who was not authorized to discuss it publicly. That's up from the 43 seats the party now holds. It would need approval from lawmakers and voters, who may be skeptical to give it after handing redistricting power to an independent commission years ago. Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up The rivalry puts a spotlight on two states that for years have dueled over jobs, innovation, prestige — even sports — with the backdrop of clashing political visions — one progressive, one conservative. A standoff in Texas after Democrats leave the state After dozens of Democrats left Texas, the Republican-dominated House was unable to establish the quorum of lawmakers required to do business. Republican Gov. Greg Abbott has made threats about removing members who are absent from their seats. Democrats counter that Abbott is using 'smoke and mirrors' to assert legal authority he does not have. Advertisement The House quickly issued civil arrest warrants for absent Democrats and Abbott ordered state troopers to help find and arrest them, but lawmakers physically outside Texas are beyond the jurisdiction of state authorities. 'If you continue to go down this road, there will be consequences,' House Speaker Rep. Dustin Burrows said from the chamber floor, later telling reporters that includes fines. Democrats' revolt and Abbott's threats intensified a fight over congressional maps that began in Texas but now includes Democratic governors who have pitched redrawing their district maps in retaliation — even if their options are limited. The dispute also reflects Trump's aggressive view of presidential power and his grip on the Republican Party nationally, while testing the longstanding balance of powers between the federal government and individual states. The impasse centers on Trump's effort to get five more GOP-leaning congressional seats in Texas, at Democrats' expense, before the midterms. That would bolster his party's chances of preserving its fragile U.S. House majority, something Republicans were unable to do in the 2018 midterms during Trump's first presidency. Republicans currently hold 25 of Texas' 38 seats. That's nearly a 2-to-1 advantage and already a wider partisan gap than the 2024 presidential results: Trump won 56.1% of Texas ballots, while Democrat Kamala Harris received 42.5%. The California pushback: A move to undercut GOP House members According to the tentative California proposal, districts now held by Republican Reps. Ken Calvert, Darrell Issa, Kevin Kiley, David Valadao and Doug LaMalfa would see right-leaning voters shaved and Democratic voters boosted in a shift that would make it likely a left-leaning candidate would prevail in each race. Advertisement In battleground districts held by Democratic Reps. Dave Min, Mike Levin and Derek Tran, the party's edge would be boosted to strengthen their hold on the seats, the source said. Democratic members of California's congressional delegation were briefed on the new map on Monday, according to a person familiar with the meeting who requested anonymity to discuss private conversations. The proposal is being circulated at the same time that Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom has said he wants to advance partisan redistricting. He says he won't move ahead if Texas pauses its efforts. Newsom said he'd call a special election for the first week of November. Voters would weigh a new congressional map drawn by the Democratic-controlled Legislature. 'California will not sit by idly and watch this democracy waste away,' Newsom said Monday. More than 1,800 miles (2,900 kilometers) from Austin, New York Gov. Kathy Hochul appeared with Texas Democrats and argued their cause is national. 'We're not going to tolerate our democracy being stolen in a modern-day stagecoach heist by a bunch of law-breaking cowboys,' Hochul said Monday. 'If Republicans are willing to rewrite rules to give themselves an advantage, then they're leaving us with no choice: We must do the same. You have to fight fire with fire.' Status of the vote In Texas, legislators who left the state declined to say how long they'll hold out. 'We recognized when we got on the plane that we're in this for the long haul,' said Rep. Trey Martinez Fischer while in Illinois. Texas House Democratic Caucus leader Gene Wu said members 'will do whatever it takes' but added, 'What that looks like, we don't know.' Advertisement Legislative walkouts often only delay passage of a bill, like in 2021, when many Democrats left Texas for 38 days to protest proposed voting restrictions. Once they returned, Republicans passed that measure. Lawmakers cannot pass bills in the 150-member House without two-thirds of members present. Democrats hold 62 seats in the majority-Republican chamber, and at least 51 left the state, according to a Democratic aide. The Texas Supreme Court held in 2021 that House leaders could 'physically compel the attendance' of missing members, but no Democrats were forcibly brought back to the state after warrants were served. Republicans answered by adopting $500 daily fines for lawmakers who don't show. Abbott, meanwhile, continues to make unsubstantiated claims that some lawmakers have committed felonies by soliciting money to pay for potential fines for leaving Texas during the session. Barrow reported from Atlanta. Blood reported from Los Angeles. Associated Press writers Joey Cappelletti in Washington, John Hanna in Topeka, Kansas, and Andrew DeMillo in Little Rock, Arkansas, also contributed to this report.