BJP MP Ravi Kishan seeks regulation of food prices, uses samosa to make his case
Pointing out the lack of uniformity in the prices and quantities of food items across the country, Kishan said, "Dal Tadka is available for Rs 100 at some outlets, Rs 120 at others, and Rs 1,000 in some hotels."Ravi Kishan's demand stirred a row, with Congress spokesperson Surendra Rajput mocking the BJP MP and asking if he could also speak up to regulate the highly-priced samosas at "airports run by PM Modi's friend Gautam Adani." Coming to Kishan's defence, BJP spokesperson Rakesh Tripathi said that the Congress is not interested in the business of the House, as they are mocking an issue of public interest."Their sole focus is to create noise, disrupt proceedings, and deliberately obstruct the House. Those who have made such behavior a habit are naturally surprised when genuine public interest issues are raised," he said."Are issues like samosas or food stalls not related to public interest? Mocking such matters and making them a subject of ridicule—how appropriate is that?," he further questioned.- EndsInputs from PTI
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Hindustan Times
26 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
Keeladi and the contesting of Indian history
We are living in great times with the greatest of crafty wielders with purvey on politics and power of judging truths. We are passing through one of the most interesting moments of time in terms of redefining the history and civilisation with the dominant narrative of culture, society, science and industrial activities in the Indian subcontinent. The penultimate journey of time and destiny of truth, buried under, could not have surfaced despite the heat and dust of politics and chosen the contestants to this cultural and historical narrative, in the form of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) at the Centre and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in Tamil Nadu, the imagined or constructed political-ideological inheritors of the cultural-historical legacy of Vedic period and the Dravidian hypothesis of the history of Indian subcontinent. Keeladi — should it receive its due — could shake the foundations of the north-centric narrative and understanding of the south simply as inheritors of history, culture, science, technology and civilisation from the north. The findings at the 100-acre site located in Keeladi, a village 12 km distance from Madurai in Tamil Nadu are not only exceptional but also compelling in terms of evidence that can offer rare insights about the flourishing urban civilisation from the south (PTI) The findings at the 100-acre site located in Keeladi, a village 12 km distance from Madurai in Tamil Nadu are not only exceptional but also compelling in terms of evidence that can offer rare insights about the flourishing urban civilisation from the south. The discovery of iron slag in Keeladi indicating the practice of iron smelting, further reaffirms the advanced technological capabilities of the civilisation. Sivagalai, dating 3345 BC, not only establishes the iron age of South India before the Vedic period but also challenges the Western understanding of Anatolia by the Hittites as the world's first iron age. All these developments are unsettling, not surprisingly for the BJP at the Union government in New Delhi and its ideological patron, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in Nagpur. The result is the growing shadow over the integrity and functioning of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) and the signs of wilting of the ace national archaeological body under the heat of power to dampen down the historical, cultural and civilisational past about India – a rare southern narrative. Why? What is the bone of contention? The politics of Keeladi excavation(s) lies in the time bracket of 8th century BCE to 3rd century CE given by Amarnath Ramakrishna, the superintending archaeologist then in-charge of the Keeladi excavations until 2017. He submitted his report in 2023 and two years later, in early 2025, the ASI has asked him to revise the report focused on review of dates and with scientific AMS details. The Keeladi project survived inordinate and deliberate delays due to financial and administrative orders governing the Keeladi site and the potential impact of contamination of the samples during the phase I & II. Then comes the stunning setback to the Keeladi project with the declaration of ASI that there are no significant findings and the decision to halt further excavations, echoed by the next superintending archaeologist who replaced Amarnath Ramakrishna. It is the intervention of the Madras high court, which had asked the Tamil Nadu State Department of Archeology (TNSDA) to take over the Keeladi excavations, that not only rescued the Keeladi operations but also enabled the sustenance of further excavations on going at the Keeladi site up to phase X until 2024 and corroborate with the developments in Sivagalai (since 2019) and Adichanallur (2004) to suggest that the south had entered the Iron Age over 2000 years before north India. Above all, reaffirming that there are many truths about what we consider as Indian civilisation by revealing Indus Valley Civilisation and Vaigai River Civilisation are not only too close to be isolated by time and space and could even be contemporary to each other. Tamili (Tamil-Brahmi) inscribed potsherds, traces of trade links with the north (including foreign territories like Afghanistan and Rome) and signs of advanced urban life were found. One of the most significant developments following the Keeladi excavations is the pushing back of the Sangam era. Keeladi was a literate and urban civilisation with established industrial, trade and commercial activities revealing the characteristics of a highly organised society. In the process tumbling the centuries old prejudicial construction and popular imagination of south simply as an inheritor and the north as source of everything from culture, science, technology, urbanisation and the quintessence of the Indian knowledge systems. It is one thing to shower accolades or punish Amarnath Ramakrishna in the ways of subsequent transfers and postings everywhere except Keeladi. He has refused to change the dateline and prepared to defend his report whenever the situation demands with an appropriate scope and opportunities even within the department. It is another thing to acknowledge that Keeladi excavations have moved on to a stage that neither the ASI nor the Union government can halt the excavations and withhold the findings from the public due to the mission of the Tamil Nadu government and the stake holding people of Tamil Nadu. This is the game changer because of the scientific orientation of the TNSDA combined with the political determination of the Stalin-led DMK government in Tamil Nadu. It is highly relevant to note here that three laboratories, using – Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS) and Optically Stimulated Luminescence (OSL) – dated the iron implements from Sivagalai between 2427 BC and 3345 BC. Six carbon samples from Keeladi tested using AMS technique at Beta Lab, Florida, USA were dated between 580 BC and 300 BC. The Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeosciences, Lucknow and Physical Research Laboratory, Ahmedabad were engaged in using the OSL method. The scientific analysis and the credibility of these laboratories are highly significant to this discussion and further debate on this subject. All these developments in Keeladi, Sivagalai and Adichanallur in Tamil Nadu indicate the enormous potential to review our own biases and prejudices in the construction of history and civilization in India. The ASI and the Centre require to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the Indian culture, history and civilisational sources than being restrictive within a set of geographical-political-ideological premises. More importantly, the Centre should acknowledge and recognise the role and functions of TNSDA which is governed by the Tamil Nadu Ancient and Historical Monuments and Archeological Sites and Remains Act,1966 created by the assent of the President of India. The complementing energy and resources of the institutions like ASI and TNSDA should be renewed rather than being pitted against each other. The Tamil Nadu government should broaden the basis of its vision and extend the methodology to other southern states as a way of extending links with the other Iron Age findings in states like Karnataka and Telengana in order to overcome the historical neglect and cultural prejudice in writing/presenting the history and civilisation of India. Politics is intrinsic to science, technology, culture, society and history. It is too naïve to imagine science and history without politics. It is relevant to recall here Pericles, a Greek statesman associated with the ushering in of Athenian Golden Age and one of the greatest orators in history who maintained that 'Just because you do not take interest in politics does not mean politics won't take an interest in you'. ( Manivannan is a scholar-social activist in areas of education, human rights and sustainable development through an initiative 'Multiversity.')
Indian Express
26 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Congress MP Imran Pratapgarhi: ‘Why Govt can't debate SIR? What is more important than citizens' voting rights?'
Amid the continuing standoff in Parliament between the government and the Opposition over the Election Commission (EC)'s special intensive revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in poll-bound Bihar, the Congress party's Rajya Sabha MP Imran Pratapgarhi, 38, speaks to The Indian Express over the logjam and the Opposition's demand, among other issues. Excerpts: * For the last few days, the Congress has been alleging that the CISF personnel have been present in the Rajya Sabha. What is the issue? Parliament has always had its own security, which has been monitored by the Speaker of the Lok Sabha and Chairman of the Rajya Sabha. It has been a year since the security arrangements were changed in Parliament, and the security was handed over to the CISF. Giving security outside (the House) to the CISF is understandable. But inside the House, if the CISF dictates how members act, then it is a first in a parliamentary democracy and is shameful. The Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha (Mallikarjun Kharge) has written to the Deputy Chairman, saying that when members protest and try to enter the Well (of the House) and the way the CISF jawans stop them, it is shameful. * When did the Opposition members notice this change in security apparatus? We have been seeing it for a while now. But the way the marshals reach the Well of the House, it seems like it is an anti-terrorist or anti-bomb squad. They create a circle and stop members from entering the Well… How can they bring CISF personnel to the House? We will protest this. * J P Nadda, Leader of the House in the Rajya Sabha, said that Opposition members are creating anarchy in the House. What is your response? J P Nadda should hear speeches by the Leaders of Opposition in the past, Arun Jaitley and Sushma Swaraj, who were from his party. They had said that if someone creates disruptions in the House, then it is a part of the democratic norms. This is not a school where the Chairman will act like a principal and the Leader of the House will act like a class monitor. In a parliamentary democracy, both sides – Treasury and Opposition – have equal roles… On Vice-President Jagdeep Dhankhar's last day in the House, Nadda said nothing will go on record. That is not his prerogative. * During the Monsoon Session, we have seen most days being washed out except the discussion on Operation Sindoor. The government and the Opposition are blaming each other for the impasse. When will this end? It is the government's responsibility to run the House. The government doesn't give importance to the meetings of the Business Advisory Committee (BAC). You don't listen to the Opposition. From day one, we have been protesting against the SIR. Why can't they hold a discussion on the issue? It is related to the voting rights of citizens, and what is more important than that? The Parliament session is not just for passing Bills, the House is meant for discussion and debate… When you want to get Bills passed, you do it by suspending members. * If the government doesn't agree for a discussion on the SIR, will the remainder of the session also be washed out? You should ask the government why they won't agree to a debate on the SIR. What is wrong with a discussion? What option does the Opposition have other than protests? I ask this from every intellectual in the country. Asad Rehman is with the national bureau of The Indian Express and covers politics and policy focusing on religious minorities in India. A journalist for over eight years, Rehman moved to this role after covering Uttar Pradesh for five years for The Indian Express. During his time in Uttar Pradesh, he covered politics, crime, health, and human rights among other issues. He did extensive ground reports and covered the protests against the new citizenship law during which many were killed in the state. During the Covid pandemic, he did extensive ground reporting on the migration of workers from the metropolitan cities to villages in Uttar Pradesh. He has also covered some landmark litigations, including the Babri Masjid-Ram temple case and the ongoing Gyanvapi-Kashi Vishwanath temple dispute. Prior to that, he worked on The Indian Express national desk for three years where he was a copy editor. Rehman studied at La Martiniere, Lucknow and then went on to do a bachelor's degree in History from Ramjas College, Delhi University. He also has a Masters degree from the AJK Mass Communication Research Centre, Jamia Millia Islamia. ... Read More
New Indian Express
26 minutes ago
- New Indian Express
Satya Pal Malik: A chequered career of conviction, contradiction & controversy
NEW DELHI: Satya Pal Malik, a seasoned politician who traversed India's political spectrum from the Lok Dal to Congress to the BJP, and later emerged as a fierce critic of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, passed away on Tuesday at 1.12 PM at Delhi's Ram Manohar Lohia (RML) Hospital. He was 79. He had been undergoing treatment for kidney and age-related ailments. Once a trusted aide of PM Modi—holding gubernatorial posts in Bihar, J&K, Goa, Odisha, and Meghalaya—Malik's final years were defined by his outspoken dissent. He criticised the government over the handling of the 2019 Pulwama attack, the farmers' protest, and alleged corruption during his tenure as J&K Governor. Later, the CBI chargesheeted him in a bribery case linked to Rs 2,200 crore Kiru hydropower project in Kashmir. Malik's journey was as eventful as it was ideologically fluid. Born in Baghpat, Uttar Pradesh, into a Jat family, his political roots were in socialist movements. He began as a student leader and was elected MLA in 1974 on the Bharatiya Kranti Dal ticket led by Chaudhary Charan Singh. In 1980, he entered the Rajya Sabha as a Lok Dal member. By 1984, he had joined the Congress, which re-nominated him to the Rajya Sabha in 1986. He later aligned with Janata Dal and served as Lok Sabha MP from Aligarh. Despite his many political shifts, Malik remained a forceful voice on agrarian and regional issues, often taking on the powers that be. His political rise peaked when the Modi government appointed him as Bihar governor in 2017, later entrusting him with the politically sensitive state of Jammu & Kashmir in August 2018. His tenure in J&K was both historic and controversial. Malik was governor during the abrogation of Article 370 on August 5, 2019. Coincidentally, he died on the sixth anniversary of that move. He was also in office during the Pulwama attack that killed 40 CRPF personnel. Later, Malik accused the Centre of suppressing facts about lapses leading to the attack, including the denial of aircraft for troop movement. He claimed he was told to 'stay silent'. Malik's long career was marked by conviction, contradiction, and controversy.
