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Trump-Iran latest: US Secretary of Defense rages at coverage of bombing after ayatollah threatens further attacks

Trump-Iran latest: US Secretary of Defense rages at coverage of bombing after ayatollah threatens further attacks

Independent2 days ago

Recap: Iran's Supreme leader vows 'victory' over US and Israel
Iran will not hesitate to bomb more US air bases in the Middle East, Iran's supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has warned.
In his first public appearance since the US attacked Iran's three nuclear facilities on Sunday morning, Khamenei claimed the Islamic Republic had access to 'key US centres' and would take action 'when necessary'.
He also claimed Iran had won a victory over Israel and the US, delivering a 'slap to the US's face' by attacking its Al-Udeid Air Base in Qatar.
'Such an action can be repeated in the future too. Should any aggression occur, the enemy will definitely pay a heavy price,' Khamenei said.
Alexander Butler26 June 2025 19:30

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Israel close to accomplishing objectives in Gaza, says IDF
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Israel close to accomplishing objectives in Gaza, says IDF

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‘There's a significant lack of knowledge': Iranian American legislator on countries' tangled history amid conflict
‘There's a significant lack of knowledge': Iranian American legislator on countries' tangled history amid conflict

The Guardian

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‘There's a significant lack of knowledge': Iranian American legislator on countries' tangled history amid conflict

Arizona congresswoman Yassamin Ansari brings an unusually personal perspective to the US's fraught relationship with Iran. The daughter of two Iranian parents who fled their homeland – her father as a student in the 1970s who couldn't return after the 1979 revolution, her mother as a 17-year-old in 1981 escaping the new regime's restrictions on women – Ansari grew up immersed in the complexities of US-Iran relations. This deep familiarity with both Iranian domestic politics and the tangled history between Washington and Tehran has given the Democratic freshman a distinctive edge in debates over military strikes, sanctions and diplomatic engagement. As tensions teetered for 12 days, culminating in the direct US bombardment on Iranian nuclear facilities, Ansari finds herself navigating between hawkish calls for regime change and concerns about empowering Iran's authoritarian government. We spoke to Ansari about how her background influences her approach to one of foreign policy's most intractable issues. It's a topic I not only grew up learning about at home but also studied formally during my undergraduate years. I have a minor in Iranian studies, I speak the language [Farsi], and I wrote my college thesis on Iran's nuclear breakout capacity. So I've been working on and thinking about these issues for a long time. When it comes to US-Iran policy – especially during the Trump administration – I think there has been a significant lack of knowledge. And even within Congress, there's often limited information about the historical and political context – not just since 1979, but also what led up to that point and how we arrived at the current situation. I don't believe the strikes were the right move for several reasons. First and foremost, we wouldn't even be in this position if Trump hadn't unilaterally withdrawn from the JCPOA [in 2018]. That agreement would have prevented Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon and created a framework for diplomacy. Even after the withdrawal, we were in the midst of negotiations. Based on briefings I've received from subject matter experts, those negotiations were progressing – until the US suddenly shifted the goalposts and demanded zero uranium enrichment, which had never been part of the deal. That effectively derailed talks. Beyond that, Trump never made the case to Congress or the American public. There was no presentation of intelligence justifying strikes on Iran's nuclear facilities. In a country with such a fraught history of military interventions in the Middle East – from the 1953 CIA-orchestrated coup in Iran to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan – that lack of transparency is especially dangerous. I'm not familiar with all the specifics of that proposal, but I see what you're getting at. And I do think Trump's actions have emboldened the Islamic Republic, a regime that is deeply unpopular with the majority of Iranians. Since the recent escalation, we've seen reports that hundreds of people have been arrested on espionage charges – charges often used by the regime to imprison political opponents. Iran's most notorious prison, Evin, is full of some of the country's brightest minds, including Nobel laureates. It's heartbreaking. Trump's actions have not only hurt US foreign policy interests and increased the risk of a wider war, but they've also given the regime cover to intensify its domestic repression. During the past two weeks, we've even seen the government black out the internet to prevent communication with the outside world. This is a regime focused entirely on its own survival – and it will do whatever it takes, including more arrests and crackdowns. We should be supporting Iranian civilians, not strengthening the regime or risking another war. Exactly. 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That's because most of our families came here after fleeing it, either during the revolution in 1979 or in the years since. But there's a wide range of views on what the solution should be. Some Iranian Americans, including a sizable portion who voted for Trump, believed he would help topple the regime. I remember when Trump posted 'Make Iran great again', a segment of the diaspora was genuinely excited. Many of those people support the son of the former Shah as a potential leader. Others – myself included – strongly oppose US-led regime change. The US has a bad track record in this region. The 1953 coup that overthrew Prime Minister Mosaddeq is still remembered bitterly by many Iranians. He was democratically elected and wanted to nationalize Iran's oil, but the US and UK didn't want that. So they overthrew him. Then came the Shah, then the revolution, and now this regime. So while we all oppose the current regime, there's disagreement about what comes next and how to get there. I think most Iranian Americans fear war and want a better future for Iranians – without more violence, repression or foreign intervention. My dad came to the US in the early 1970s on a student visa to attend the University of Oregon for his engineering degree. He planned to go back but once the revolution happened, it wasn't safe to return, so he stayed. My mom fled in 1981. Women's rights had already been severely restricted – forced hijab, schools being shut down. She happened to be a US citizen because her father had done a medical residency in the US in the 60s. So her parents sent her here alone at 17 to live with a family in Delaware. She talks about it a lot, about how she and her family opposed the revolution even though it was popular at the time. Coming here alone was traumatic. She went through deep depression for years before the rest of her family could join her. That experience shaped a lot of how I was raised. 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Middle class youngsters chanting for death shows how sick Britain now is
Middle class youngsters chanting for death shows how sick Britain now is

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The spectacle of massed crowds calling for the blood of Jews is more associated with Islamist dictatorships than our own democracies. On October 7, however, something foul awoke in the West. Less than two years later, we find thousands of white youngsters from the leafy suburbs of Middle England chanting 'death, death to the IDF' at the Glastonbury Festival of a Saturday afternoon. Would that be the same IDF that delivered us from the spectre of a nuclear-armed Iran with remarkably few civilian casualties? Which rescued us from the regime described by the head of MI5 as 'the state actor which most frequently crosses into terrorism' on our shores? Why, yes. Yes it would. Your average Glasto fan, it seems, would have no objection if Tehran's thugs brought the 'intifada' over here, perhaps with a nuclear bomb on London, so long as they brought death to Israel first. Such is the way with brainless trends, even when the fashion is for bloodlust. What Jewish festival-goers must have felt amidst that display of depravity is enough to make you ashamed of our country. Don't forget, this gory chapter began with a massacre of revellers at the Nova music festival; in a sane world, you'd have expected Glastonbury to fly the Israeli flag in solidarity and chant for the demise of Hamas. The cleanness of the Iran campaign shows how the IDF can operate when its enemy does not push civilians into harm's way for the benefit of the international media. Clearly, Israel is not trying to kill the innocent. Has that thought occurred to any of the Glasto cultists? Of course not. As transparent as it may be, Hamas propaganda is a roaring success when people get their kicks out of believing it. Depressingly, this has become the new normal. There literally is no evil so dark that it cannot find enthusiastic support on the Western Left, so long as that evil first wishes death upon the Jews. Astonishingly, that principle holds even if the evil happens to wish death upon us second. It's true what they say: antisemitism is a sickness and at bottom it is a hatred of ourselves. Whether Bob Vylan, the dreadlocked rapper who led Saturday's version of Orwell's Two Minutes Hate, was breaking the law is beside the point. Legislation is limited when the culture moves beyond it. Even the BBC's attempts at decorum – they had refused to broadcast the performance by Kneecap, the Irish band which has supported Hamas and Hezbollah and demanded that people kill their local Tory MPs – collapsed when put to the test. Shamefully, the 'death to the IDF' chant was beamed out by our national broadcaster into millions of homes. On Thursday, Sir Michael Eavis, the founder of Glastonbury, defiantly insisted that people should 'go somewhere else' if they did not like the politics of his festival. By Saturday, we saw what those politics meant: a carnival of bloodthirsty radicalism that would have been unrecognisable in the Britain of our parents. Jeremy Corbyn may have epitomised the vacuity of the Gaza Left by praising a banner saying 'build bridges not walls' that was literally pinned to a wall, but the joke is wearing thin. In May, a Palestine activist murdered two Israeli diplomats in Washington DC. Last week, Palestine activists sabotaged RAF aircraft vital to our national security. Yet still the simpering BBC fawns over the Eavis clan. For years, sensible people have scratched their heads at how the Left can have come to support jihadis. At the Glastonbury festival of narcissism, however, it has become difficult to tell them apart.

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